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About Google Book Search Google's mission is to organize the world's information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers discover the world's books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through the full text of this book on the web at|http : //books . google . com/ ' \ 'Jj / OVi ASTOR, LENOX AND TILDLN FOUNDATIONS, R 190o L firs/ Piihlisked in igo6 » • • • . •• : ••' PREFACE " T7IRENZE, la Bellissima e Famosissima Figlia di Roma" X^ — was no mere metaphor of Dante, but a very true title of the First of Modem States. The cumulative energies of the Florentines had their focus in the corporate life of the Trade- Associations, and in no other Community was the Guild-system so thoroughly developed as it was in Florence. A complete and connected History of the Guilds has never been compiled. The present work is put forth, perhaps rather tentatively than exhaustively, to supply the omission. The subject is a large one, and the founts of information are many and various. I have tasted at many springs and drunk from many wells — and my subject-matter has been drawn from the following sources: — (i) Manuscripts — Twelfth to Sixteenth centuries ; (2) Printed matter — Books and Periodicals ; (3) Letters from Authorities and Friends ; (4) Personal Knowledge of Florence and the Florentines. In* the study of Manuscripts I have entered largely into the labours of such experts as Emily Baxter, Guido Biagi, R. Davidssohn, Lewis Einstein, F. T. Perrens, J. A. Symonds, and Pasquale Villari, and I have freely used their readings. This I have done because of initial difficulties of time and emolument for original research. The early Constitutions and Statutes of many of the Guilds were written in an almost insolvable mixture of abbreviated Latin and vernacular Tuscan — the deciphering of which would easily consume any man*s natural life-time. When I sought for some student to undertake, even a superficial survey, I was met with the crushing but prac- tical reply — " the game is not worth the candle ! " vi PREFACE In the Catalogue of Printed Books, etc, in my Bibliography, I wish to indicate the following as most helpful : — Biagi's " Private Life of the Renaissance Florentines," Cantini's " Legislazione Toscana," Cibrario's " Delia Economia Politica del Medio Evo," Davidssohn's two works, Einstein's *' Italian Renaissance in England," Hyett's "Florence: her History and her Art," Ilde- fonso's "Delizie degli Erudite Toscani," Perrens' " Histoire de Florence," Peruzzi's "Storia del Commercio e dei Banchieri di Firenze," "Leader Scott's" Works, Symond's Works, Villanis' (G., F., and M.) Works, and Villari's Works. Quite invaluable have been "Collections of Tuscan Laws, etc," " Le Consulte," " L'Osservatore Fiorentino," " The Florence Gazette," and "Statuta Populi et Communis Florentiae, 141 5," published at Friburg in 1778 — indeed, the last of these authori- ties I have used fully as representative of the middle period of the epoch of the Renaissance. My correspondence has placed at my disposal most useful assistance from the late Rev. S. T. Baxter and Mrs Baxter (" Leader Scott "), Dr Biagi and Dr Villari, of Florence ; Signore Lisini, of Siena, and Mr Langton Douglas, of London. To all of whom I beg to offer my heartiest acknowledgments. In the same category I tender sincere thanks to Mr G. F. Barwick and the Staff of the Reading Room at the British Museum — for useful services always courteously rendered ; to Miss A. R. Evans — the devout student of Florentine lore — for helpful research work ; to Miss E. De Alberti — for excellent translations of Italian works ; and to my publishers — for urbanity and kindly consideration. Omissions are unavoidable in a work of this character and scope, and further, I readily admit that I have not completely brought down my information to the latest date of my period : — e.g. " The Guild of Bankers and Money-Changers " and "The Guild of Silk." This in no sense affects the purpose I have had in view, nor tells against the usefulness of my work. i * PREFACE vu ; Where dates are in dispute I have chosen those which best fit into my general scheme. The British equivalents, which I have attached to the various coins current in Florence, are those which most nearly express the mean of the constant variations in value — for example, I have taken the gold florin of 1252 as worth about ten shillings throughout the whole work. In many places, and especially in the last four chapters, I have followed my own line in attribution and criticism, regardless of conventional ideas. What I say, for instance, about Giotto and I his Campanile, about the Comacine Guild, and about the Religion j of the Florentines, I maintain upon their simple merits. My generally optimistic view of the pre-eminence of Florence and her I. people over all her rivals I am entitled to hold and to set forth, ' from the nature of the case. She was not only the Head of the I Tuscan League, but the Head of Modern Civilization. I have purposely avoided giving prominence to individuals — ^ except the Medici, and I have abstained from dealing critically \ with the work of the Renaissance artists and writers — all of whom, it has been my effort generally to show, were the proteges of the Guilds, in their corporate capacity, or of influential merchants. With respect to the Italian words which are plentifully and /^ necessarily scattered all through the publication, something must be said. First of all, I have chosen obsolete and old spellings as being more in harmony with the times and circumstances under [ notice than modem renderings, for example : — Cronica not / Cronaca, Calimala not Calimara, Tiratolo not Tiratoio, or Tira- \ torio, Notaio not Notaro — and so forth. In the second place — the meanings, — which I have usually added in the text to Tuscan words, — ^are those which I consider best suited to the subject in hand. Where Dictionary meanings have failed me I have not hesitated to supply my own, in absolute accord with the context. The Illustrations are from many sources. Illuminated Manu- scripts at the British Museum and at the Laurentian Library in Florence have been laid under contribution. Whilst unhappily not retaining the exquisite colouring of those gem-like miniatures i viii PREFACE they have been reproduced both in their original dimensions and also by enlargement, but this has undoubtedly coarsened their delicate penmanship. A very interesting feature in these beautiful pictures is to be noted — that, whereas the Florentine artists who drew them so skilfully have given us figures in Florentine costumes of the periods, they have added accessories of architecture, furniture, foliage, and the other details of the backgrounds, in terms of Ipcal environment Both in Paris and in Flanders the superiority of the handiwork of Florentine illuminators was fully reo^nised, and such artists received warm welcomes and handsome re- munerations. The production, in the text, in their original sizes, of some of the splendid Florentine woodcuts of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries has laid me under obligation to many kind people, and among them, Messrs Kegan Paul & Co. for numbers 2, 15, 37, 41, 48, 54, 56, 59, 60, 61, from Kristeller's "Early Florentine Woodcuts," Bernard Quaritch, Esq., for numbers 68 and 69 — and also for the reproduction, from a MS. Miniature, of number 28. I have further to acknowledge the kindness of Messrs. Sampson, Low & Co. for permission to reproduce woodcut number 52, of J. M. Dent, Esq., for number 7, of the Archivio di Stato Sienese (Signore A. Lisini) for Plate XXIX., and of Dottore G. Biagi for three plates from his " Private Life of the Renaissance Florentines." The small shields of arms, which appear at the end of certain chapters, are reproduced from drawings I made for the purpose. They are copied from sculptural and pictorial adornments upon the fa9ades of the Guild Shrine of Or San Michele and the Palazzo della Mercanzia, and upon the overdoors of Guild Resi- dences, the Zecca, and other buildings — ^some of which indeed were removed in the last century. The indexing of such a comprehensive work has been no light matter. I have endeavoured to give prominence to trades, traders, trade-customs, and trade-processes rather than to enume- PREFACE ix rate ordinary historical names and facts. This holds true also in the Chronological Table. The inception, development, and completion of my task have enriched me with all the pleasurable toil and profitable enjoy- ment of my fascinating subject My enthusiastic love of the '* City of the Lily " has been a hundredfold enlarged as I have worked through my story of " The Guilds of Florence." E. S. London, 1906 LIST OF CONTENTS I. Florentine Commerce and Industry II. General History of the Guilds I 33 THE SEVEN GREATER GUILDS LE ARTI MAGOIORI (CHAPTERS III.— IX.) III. The Guild of Judges and Notaries L'ARTE DET GlUDtCI E NOTAI IV. The "Calimala" Guild .... L'ARTE E UNIVERSITA DE MERC A NT! Dl CALIMALA V. The Guild of Wool .... VARTE E UNIVERSITA BELLA LANA VI. The Guild of Bankers and Money-Changers VARTE DEL CAM BIO VII. The Guild of Silk .... VARTE BELLA SETA, OR '' POR SANTA MARIA" VIII. The Guild of Doctors and Apothecaries VARTE DE' MEDICI E DEGLI SPEZIALI IX. The Guild of Furriers and Skinners VARTE DE' VAIAI E PELLICCIAI 75 139 170 204 236 274 THE FIVE INTERMEDIATE GUILDS LE ARTI MEDIANS (CHAPTERS X.-~XI.) X. The Guilds of Butchers, Blacksmiths, and Shoe- makers ...... le arti de' beccai, de fabbri, e de' calzolai XI. The Guilds of Masters of Stone and Wood, and of Retail Cloth-Dealers and Linen- Manufacturers le arti de' maestri di pietra e di legname, e de rigattierl xi 296 320 Zll LIST OF CONTENTS THE NINE MINOR GUILDS LE ARTl MINORI (CHAPTERS XII.— XIV.) CHAP. PAGE XII. The Guilds of Wine-Merchants, and Inn-Keepers, AND Tanners ..... 358 LE ARTl DE VINATTIERI, E DEGLt ALBERGATORl, E DE GAUGAl XIII. The Guilds of Oil-Merchants and General Pro- vision Dealers, of Saddlers, and of Locksmiths 385 le artl degll oliandoli e pizzicagnoli, e de coregglal e de chiavaiuoli XIV. The Guilds of Armourers, Carpenters, and Bakers 416 LE ARTl DE CORAZZAl B SPADAl, E DE LEGNAIUOLI, E DE FORNAl XV. Life and Work in the Markets MERC A TO VECCHIO^MERCATO NUOVO XVI. The Streets, the Squares, and the Bridges, — with some of their Stories XVII. The Religion of the Guilds . XVIII. The Patronage of the Guilds . XIX, The Charity of the Guilds . XX. "Firenze Ricca per Industria!" {FLORENCE PROSPEROUS THROUGH HER INDUSTRIES) 444 470 494 516 535 554 Bibliography Chronology Index 585 600 607 LIST OF PLATES TO FACE PAGE Froittispiece. a Florentine Merchant enjoying the Fruits of his Enterprise . . . . i Subject I. Miniature. Illaminated MS., late XIV. Century—" VeUeur Maxime," Simon de Hesledin et Nicholas de Coiresse. British Museum. Harl. 4.375, fol. 179. „ II. Print. A View of Florence, XVI. Century— "Za RaccoUa di Vedute delta Citta di Firenu,*' 1774. „ III. The Border. Illuminated MS., early XV. Century. British Museum. Add. 21.412. An Early Market-Place by the Baptistery of San Giovanni ....... 4 Miniature. Illuminated MS. — ^^ Biadajoh" Biblioteca Laurenziana, Florence. [By special permission of Dottore Guido Biagi.] Patroness of Industries— Countess Matilda (?) . .8 Miniature. Illuminated MS., middle XV. Centunr— "Z?« CUrcs et Nobles Femmes^'* J. Boccacce. British Museum. Bib. Reg. 16, G. v., foL II. Campanile and Duomo .12 Photograph — Alinari, Florence. Arms of the "Tribunale della Mercanzia" . -32 Terra-cot^ Rondel — Exterior of Or San Michele, Luca Delia Robbia. Photograph — Alinari, Florence. Giotto's "History of Labour" . . . .42 Five panels from the Campanile :— i. Boatmen of the Amo ; 2. Plough- ing in tne Cantado ; 3. Weaving Wool ; 4. Blacksmithing ; 5. Doctor and Pottery. Photograph — Alinari, Florence. Workmen — Late XIV. Century . . -56 Miniature. Illuminated MS., XIV. Century—" Valeur Maxime." Simon de Hesledin et Nicholas de Coiresse. British Museum. Harl. 4.375, foL 123. Workmen — Middle XV. Century . • 5^ Miniature. Illuminated MS., XV. Century—" Des Cases des Nobles Homma et Femmes" J. Boccacce. British Museum. MS. 18.750, foL I. An Apprentice — A Typical Florentine Youth . • 68 "David" — Andrea del Verrocchio. National Museum, Florence. Photc^aph — ^Alinari, Florence. The Bargbllo — Palace of the Podesta— Stairs of Honour 74 Photograph — ^Alinari, Florence. nil I04 no xiv LIST OF PLATES TO PACE PACB An Audience with the Podesta . . . . -76 Miniature. Illuminated MS., XV. Century — ^^ Des Cases d$s Nobles Honimes et Femmes,^^ J, Boccacce. British Museum. Bib. Reg. 14, E. v., fol. 5. Doctors of Law in Consultation . . - 76 Miniature. Illuminated MS., XV. Century— "Z>« Cases des Nobles Hommes et Fetnmes^^^ J. Boccacce. British Museum. Bib. Reg. 14, E. v., fol. 392. Supreme Court of Justice — XV. Century . . .84 Miniature. Illuminated MS., 1478— "J/. Ciceronis Oraiiones,'' British Museum. Harl. 2.681, fol. i. Women Litigants before the Podesta . . . .90 Miniature. Illuminated MS., late XIV. Century—" Valeur Maxinie" Simon de Hesledin et Nicholas de Coiresse. British Museum. Harl. 4.735, fol. 179. A Wealthy Citizen and his Grooms A Knight and his Page / ' Carte cC Italia—** Tarrochu " Playing cards. Baccio Baldini, 1473-4. British Museum. Early Italian Prints, Vol. 16. A Calimala Merchant) A Serving Youth / Carte d* Italia—** Tarrochi.'' Playing cards. Baccio Baldini, 1473-4- British Museum. Early Italian Prints, Vol. 16. Popular Pastimes — Pallone and Scacchi . . .114 Miniature. Illuminated MS., late XIV. Century—" Valeur Maxime,*' Simon de Hesledin et Nicholas de Coiresse. British Museum. Harl.. 4.735, fol. 151, B. Court of Consuls — with Notaries and Litigants — XV. Century . . . . . .118 Print. C. Bonnard's "Costumes," vol. ii. p. 93. An Old Rolling- Mill for finishing Foreign Cloth, RECENTLY EXISTING IN A " CaLIMALA " FACTORY IN THE Via Pellicceria, Florence . .130 Photograph — C. Baccani, Florence. Arms of "The Calimala Guild" . . 138 Carved in stone over a house-door in the Via Calimarugga, XV. Century. Photograph — G. Brogi, Florence. Women Workers in Wool .142 Miniature. Illuminated MS., middle XV. Century— *'/?« CUrcs et Nobles Femtnes" J. Boccacce. British Museum. Bib. Reg. 16, G. v., fol. 56. Dyeing and Dyers . . -151 Miniature. Illuminated MS., XV. Century — Libre des Proprietez^ des Choses^' Jehan Corbachon, 1482. British Museum. Bib. Reg. 15, E. iii., fol. 264. A Ci-OTH Fulling-Mill, with a Water-Gate . . .154 Tiratolo delta Porticcimla d'Arno—XlV, and XV. Centuries. Photo- graph— Specially taken. LIST OF PLATES xv TO FACE PAGE Street Scene — The Game of ^^ Civettino'^ . 162 Oil Painting, Tuscan School, XV. Century. Uffizi Gallery, Florence. Photograph — Alinari, Florence. Residence of the Consuls of "The Guild of Wool," and Facade of Or San Michele (Restored 1308) .164 Photograph — Alinari, Florence. Arms OF THE " Guild OF Wool " .168 Terra-cotta Rondel. Museo deir Opera del Duomo — originally outside the residence of the Arte delta Lana, Luca Delia Robbia. Photograph — Alinari, Florence. Bankers SETTLING Accounts . . . . .174 Miniature. Illuminated MS., late XIV. Century—"/?^ SepUm Vittis," British Museum, t 27.695, fol. 8. Money-Changers — A Dispute BEFORE THE PoDESTA .180 Miniature. Illuminated MS. — late XIV. Century — ** Valeur MaxtmeJ' Simon de Hesledin et Nicholas de Coiresse. British Museum. Ilarl. 4-735» ^ol. 135, B. Bankers' Loggia — Mercato Nuovo .184 Work of Giovanni Battista del Tasso, 1549. Photograph — Alinari, Florence. Paying Taxes — XV. Century (1467) .... 189 Fresco after the manner of F. and G. Martini. R. Accademia Senese di Belle Arti, Siena. [With acknowledgments to Signore Alessandro Lisini of Siena.] A Musical Party ! . .198 Miniature. Illuminated MS., late XIV. Century— " Valeur Maxime." Simon de Hesledin et Nicholas de Coiresse. British Museum. Harl. 4.735, fol. 151, B. Residence of the Consuls of "The Guild of Silk," Via di Cappuccio ....... 208 Photograph — Alinari, Florence. A "Religious" teaching a Woman Silk-Weaver .214 Miniature. Illuminated MS., XV. Century— "^iVfe Metamarphos^'* Cotntlainie des Malheureux. British Museum. Bib. Reg. 17, £. iv., fol. 87, B. Detail of Black and White Marble Pavement in the Baptistry, 1200— Earliest Patterns for Silk Workers . 222 Photograph — Alinari, Florence. Arms of " The Guild of Silk " on Wall of Residence — donatello . .228 Photograph — Alinari, Florence. Surgeons and Doctors with Patients . . 250 Miniature. Illuminated MS., middle XV. Century. ^^ Libre des Pro- prietet des Ckoses^ Jehan Corbechon, 1362. British Museum. Bib. Reg. 15 E. II., fol. 165. Arms of "The Guild of Doctors and Apothecaries" 264 Terra-coita Rondel. Originally upon the Exterior of Or San Michele. Luca Delia Robbia. Photograph — Alinari, Florence. xvi LIST OF PLATES TO PACB PAGE Skinners in Camp ....... 276 Miniature. Illuminated MS., late XIV. Century—** Vd/eur Afaxwu" Simon de Hesledin et Nicholas de Coiresse. British Museum. Harl. 4-37S» foJ- 106, B. Costumes— Twelfth to Sixteenth Centuries ... . 288 Courtyard of the Bargello. From the Carteggio Starico of May 1887. Photograph — Alinari, Florence. Costumes — Marriage of Boccaccio Adimari and Lisa Rica- soli, 14J0 ....... 294 From a Cassone, Accademia delle Belle Arti, Florence. Photograph — Alinari, Florence. Arms of " The Guild of Butchers " . . . . 298 Terra-cotta Rondel. Exterior of Or San Michele. Fabbrica Ginori, after the Delia Robbia. Photograph — Alinari, Florence. Blacksmiths and their Tools ..... 306 Miniature. Illuminated MS., XIV. Century — **Albumcutar Astronomue Latitta,*' British Museum. Sloan, 3.983, fol. 5. A Study in Boots and Shoes ! . . . . .314 (The figure below the step represents Cimabue.) Courtyard of the Bargello. From the Corteggio Storico of May 1887. Photograph — Alinari, Florence. " Masters of Stone and Wood," giving Evidence of Skill in THEIR Craft before a Consul of the Guild — XIV. Century . . . .324 Miniature. Illuminated MS.— "Zi^r^ des Proprieiez dts Choses" Jehan Corbechon, 1362. British Museum. Bib. Keg. 15, E. ii., fol. 265. Road-Making and Quarrying — XV. Century . . .331 Miniature. Illuminated MS., Libre des Proprieiez des Ckoses. Jehan Corbechon, 1482. British Museum. Bib. Reg. 15, £. iii., fol. 99. Bricklayer — Stonemason — Architect — and Sculptor . . 334 Relief on Fa9ade, Or San Michele. Nanni di Banco, 14 1 8. Photo- graph— Alinari, Florence. Scaffolding and Building — 1470 .... 338 Fresco, Campo Santo, Pisa — ** Building the Tower of Babel." Benozzo Gozzoli. Photograph — Alinari, Florence. ARMS OF "The Guild of Masters of Stone and Wood" . . 342 Terra-cotta Rondel— Exterior, Or San Michele. Luca Delia Robbia. Photograph— Alinari, Florence. Doorway of the Residence of the Consuls of "The Guild OF Retail Dealers and Linen Manufacturers" — with Shields of Arms ...... 356 Photograph — G. Brogi, Florence. At an Inn ........ 362 Miniature. Illuminated MS., late XIV. Century—** De Seplem Vitiis, British Museum. % 27.695, Vol. 14. LIST OF PLATES xvii TO PACK PAGE The Vintage — During the Renaissance, 1470 . . 365 Fresco. Campo Santo, Pisa — "The Vineyard of Noah." Benozxo GoizoU. Photograph — Alinari, Florence. Residence of the Consuls of "The Guild of Innkeepers" 371 Photograph — C. Bacconi, Florence. A CONTADINA AND HER ChILD ..... 389 "The Madonna and Child." Terra-cotta Lunette, Via dell' Agnolo, Florence. Luca Delia Robbia. Photograph — Alinari, Florence. Corn-Chandler and Baker ..... 394 Miniature. Illuminated MS. — ** BiadajolOt^^ Biblioteca Laurenziana, Florence. [By special permission of Dottore Guido Biagi.] Agricultural Occupations — 1362 .... 400 Miniature. Illuminated MS. — ^^ Libre des Proprietet des Chases" — Jehan Corbechon. British Museum. Bib. Keg. 15 £. ii., fol. 248. A Locksmith and his Apprentice .... 410 Carte ^ Italia—*^TarrocchV* — Playing-cards. Baccio Baldini. Florence, 1473-4- British Museum. Early Italian Prints, Vol. 16. A Typical Young Florentine Soldier .... 424 St George — Patron of the Guild of Armourers. Originally on the facade of Or San Michele — Donatello. Photograph — Alinari, Florence. Santa Maria in Campidoglio, in the Old Market . . 449 Photograph — ^specially taken. The Mercato Vecchio, with the Colonna della Dovitzia and the Loggia di Pesce ..... 450 Photograph — Alinari, Florence. The Mercato Vecchio, with the Tabernacolo della Tromba, the Casa e Torre de' Caponsacchi, and the Casa degli Amidei ........ 462 Print Florence, 183a The Via Lontanmorte, by the Old Market . . . 474 Photograph — Bacconi, Florence. The Piazza della Signoria, with the Palazzo Vecchio and the Loggia dei Lanzi . . . -479 Print. Florence, 1830. The Porte Vecchio— San Miniato-al-Monte in the Distance . 484 Photograph. On the Ponte Vecchio, with the Torre dei Amidei.^ Thirteenth century Photograph of Drawing after F. Gambi, Florence. The Ponte alle Grazie — (Rubaconte) . Photograph specially taken. The Baptistery of San Giovanni .... 496 Photograph — Alinari, Florence. 486 538 xviii LIST OF PLATES TO PACB PAGB A Sportrllo^ or Holy-Day Wicket . . . .502 Fourteenth Century. National Museum, Florence (CoUezione Carrand). Photograph— Alinari, Florence. The Great Baptismal Font in San Giovanni Battista, 137 i . 518 Photograph— Alinari, Florence. The Guild Church, or Shrine of Or San Michele, 1336 . 525 Photograph — Alinari, Florence. Interior of the Guild Church, or Shrine of Or San Michele — WITH Orcagna's Tabernacle of the Madonna del* Orto, 1359 ....... 53' Photograph — Alinari, Florence. A Typical Beggar at the Shrine of Or San Michele . -534 Carte (Tltalia—** Tarrochi" — Playing Cards. Baccio Baldini, 1473-4, Florence. British Museum. Early Italian prints. Vol. 16. Feeding the Hungry^ Visiting the Sick / ' Terra-cotta Frieze — Spedale del Ceppo, at Pistoja. Giovanni Delia Robbia. Photographs — Alinari, Florence. CosiMO DE* Medici — "Ze: Padre dell a Patria^* and Arch-^ BISHOP Antonino superintending the Building of the Monastery of San Marco, Florence Archbishop Antonino visiting a Foundry in the Contaoo, Coloured prints—" // Tesoro dt Affreschi Toscane,'' Florence, 1864. . The Appointment of the First Twelve " Buonuomin! di San -Af^^r/^io" BY Archbishop Antonino, 1441 . * SS^ Coloured print — " // Tesaro if Affreschi Toscane" Florence, 1864. Panorama of Florence, with the Camp of the Prince of Orange. Siege, 1529-30 ..... 563 Fresco. Sala di Clemente VII., Palazzo Vecchio, Florence, by Giorgio Vasari. Photograph — Alinari, Florence. The Porta di San Gallo Photograph — specially taken. The "^ Stinche^' Prison (demolished) Photograph of drawing after F. Gambi, Florence. ^*Il Presto" — The Pawnshop . . . -573 Miniature. Illuminated MS., late XIV. Century— Z?^ Septetn Vitus, British Museum— MS. 27.695, fol. 7. The Medici . . . . -578 "The Adoration of the Magi." Sandro Botticelli. Gallery of the Uflizi. Photograph — Alinari, Florence. 542 566 ILLUSTRATIONS IN THE TEXT TO FACE PAGE A Bird's-Eve View of Florence about the Year 1391 . i From a large Print in the National Museum, Berlin. PAGE A Latin-Grammar Master AND HIS Pupils . .17 Woodcut. '' Flares Poetarum" Florence, 1492. A Commercial Traveller or Ambassador .22 Woodcut. Jacopo dt CessolVs *W/ GiuoccAo i/e/le ScaccAi" Florence, 1493- A Galee de Mercato — Merchant Vessel . .28 Woodcut. Giovanni della Strada's ** Or6ts Longitudinisy Florence, i5Sa Arms of the "People of Florence" . . -32 A Calendar, with Monthly Occupations, etc. . . 34 Woodcut. Frontispiece of the ** Suite of the Pianets" by Sandro Botticelli and Baccio Baldini. Florence, 1460-1465. A Ground-Plan of Florence — Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries — with Names of Principal Families . 38 (By kind permission of J. M. Dent, Esq.) Various Crafts in Operation with Street Architecture . 60 Woodcut. The " Suite of the Planets," *' Mercury,'* by Sandro Botticelli and Baccio Baldini. Florence, 1460- 1465. Modes of Transit, Country Pursuits, etc., etc. . . 64 Woodcut. ** Suite of the Planets,'' " Luna,'* by Sandro Botticelli and Baccio Baldini. Florence, 1460- 1465. Arms of "The Priors of Liberty" . . . .74 Loggia of the Bargello — Palace of the Podesta . .81 Print. •* La Toscane et le Moyen Age" Geo. Rohault de Fleury, Vol. I., PUte XIII. 1870. Registered Mark, or Signature, of the Notary Niccolo da Ferenterino, 1236 . ..... 95 Muratori's " Antichite Italiane," Vol. VI. p. 9. A Notary — Wool Merchant . .101 Woodcut. Jacopo di Cessoli's •*// Giuoccho delle ScacchV (*' Dellarte della Lana ''). .Florence, 1493. Arms of "The Guild of Judges and Notaries" . 104 A "Calimala" Merchant in his Garden . • , 109 Woodcut. C\i\Bizsit\Ws ** StoHa di Florinda." Florence, 1550. xix XX ILLUSTRATIONS IN THE TEXT PAGB Experimenting with Dyes. Sixteenth Century .124 Woodcut. J. Ammon, **Z^ Moyen Agi,'' P. Le Croix, Vol. V. Finishing Cloth. Sixteenth Century . , . .129 Woodcut. J. Ammon, **/> Moyen Age,'^ P. Le Croix, Vol. V. Merchants Bargaining over Bales of Cloth . • ^33 Woodcut J. Ammon, "/> Moyen Age," P. Le Croix, Vol. V. A FusTA Di Mercato — A Light Merchant Vessel .15^ Woodcut '* Carte d* Italia," ^^ Tarrochi," Playing Cards, by Baccio Baldini. Florence, 1473-4. British Museum. " Early Italian Prints," Vol. XVI. Merchant-Banker-Money-Changer . .177 Woodcut Jacopo di Cessoli's " Giuoccho delU Scacchi " (" Demercatanti e Camdiatori'*). Florence, 1493. Paying Taxes . . . . . .193 Woodcut GioT^o Ch\Bxmi*s **Li6ro di Mereatatie e C/ranu" Florence, 1493- Arms of "The Guild of Bankers and Money-Changers" 203 Spinning Silk from Cocoons . . . .220 Engraving. Giovanni della Spada's *' Vermis Seriens/* Florence, 1550. Interior of a Goldsmith's Workshop . . .231 AVoodcut Signed — Stephanus fecit, Augusta, 1576. Print Room, British Museum. Doctor visiting a Fever Patient . . 240 Woodcut Petrus de Montagnaia*s ** Fasicu/us Medecine,''* Venice, 1500. Doctors in Consultation ..... 243 Woodcut Petrus de Montagnaia's ** Fasicutus Medecine," Venice, 1500. Surgeons operating ...... 248 Woodcut. Petrus de Montagnaia*s " Fasicu/us Medecine." Venice, 150a The Bottega of an Apothecary .... 255 From a Miniature in an Illuminated MS. in the University Library at Bologna — a Hebrew translation of Avicenna's "Caiion of Medicine," Bk. V. Fourteenth Century. (By kind permission of Bernard Quaritch, Esq.) Florentine Gentleman purchasing Scent at an Apothe- cary's . • . . . . . . 259 Woodcut illustrating the Canzone — "Z^ Tavemario con to Spetiale" Florence, 1596. [Notice the '' Sportello" behind the apothecary, and the *' Albarelli" in the window »\ Florentine Lady at her Toilet .... 260 Woodcut illustrating the Canzone— ^^ Belle Donne" Florence, 1596. ILLUSTRATIONS IN THE TEXT xxi PACK Director of Tournament Distributing Candidates' Badges BEFORE A GrOSTRE ...... 284 From a Print — Sixteenth Century. Florence. [Naiue : The Capes of Vair.] Arms of "The Guild of Furriers and Skinners" . . 295 Method of Fusing Metals, and Method of Beating out Metal Plates ...... 309 Woodcuts. Vannucci Biringucdo's " Delia Pirotechnia,** 1540. A Shoemaker's Shop . . . .316 Woodcut. G. Boccaccio's **/^tfra»«^nwi^." Venice, 1492. Arms of "The Guild of Blacksmiths " and of "The Guild of Shoemakers • . . . . . -319 Masters in Stone, Wood, and Metal .... 328 Woodcut. Jacopo di Cessoli's "// Giuoccho delle Scacchi" (*'De Fabri e (U Maestri"), Florence, 1493. Outune View of Florence — XV. and XVI. Centuries . . 336 Woodcut. Bernardo da Firenze's ** Le Bellezze e Chasate di Firenze,^* Florence, 1495. Marks, or Signatures, of Consuls of " The Guild of Retail Cloth Dealers and Linen Manufacturers" . . 347 Code of Statutes— Thirteenth Century. Arms of "The Guild of Retail Cloth Dealers and Linen Manufacturers" -357 Innkeeper ........ 369 Woodcut. Jacopo di Cessoli's '' 11 Giuoccho delU Scacchi'' {'' Del- lauemiere e Albergaiore '*). Florence, 1493. Kitchen of an Inn ...... 373 Woodcut. "// Contrasto del Camesciale e della Quaresitna" Florence, 1495. Arms of "The Guild of Wine Merchants," "The Guild of Innkeepers," and " The Guild of Tanners " . . 384 Farm Labourer ....... 390 Woodcut. Jacopo di CessoU's "// Giuoccho delle Scacchi" {'' Del- lauortore"), Florence, 1493. Olive Press — End of XVI. Century . . . 392 Engraving. Giovanni della Spada's * ' ^^wa Reperta " ( Oleum Olivarum), Florence, 1596. Stirrup-maker's Shop — End of XVI. Century . . . 406 Engraving. Giovanni della Spada's ^^ Nova Reperta^* {Stapha sive Slapuks), Florence, 1596. Arms of "The Guild of Oil Merchants and General Provision Dealers," "The Guild of Saddlers," and "The Guild of Locksmiths" .... 415 xxii ILLUSTRATIONS IN THE TEXT PAGE Types of Adult Florentines . . , . .422 Woodcut. Michael Angelo Buonarroti's Cartoon — Portion of the Battle of Pisa, originally in the Palazzo Vecchio, Florence. The Fat Carpenter . . . . . .431 Woodcut. Giovanni Boccaccio's ^* Novella del Grasso Legnaiuolo^^'' Giunti's Edition, 1516. The Shrine of Or San Michele, with the Corn Market, AND the Notary for Affidavits .... 435 Outline Drawing. Miniature Illuminated MS., *' Biadajelo" Biblio- teca Laurenziana, Florence. A Flour-Mill on the Arno — XVI. Century . . 438 Print. " La Toscana et U Moyen Age:' Geo. Rohault de Fleury, Vol. II., fol. 67, 1870. Arms of "The Guild of Armourers and Sword Makers," "The Guild of Carpenters," and "The Guild of Bakers" ....... 443 Palazzo de* Tosinghi — " II Palazzo " — Mercato Vecchio (Destroyed in the XIV. Century) . . 446 Print. Sixjcial Drawing, Leader Scott's "Cathedral Builders." (By kind permission of Me.«srs Sampson Low & Co., Limited.) Late Done I Late Fresca I — Milkman . . . '452 Woodcut. Giovanni Antonio da Brescia, 1452- 1582. *'Za Gravure en Italie avant M, L, Raimondi" H. Delaborde. A Market Scene — Mercato Vecchio .... 456 Woodcut. ** II Contrasto eU Camesciale e della Quaresima:* Florence, 1495- Street Architecture — Sports and Pastimes . . . 467 Woodcut. British Museum. Florence, 1494. Group of Florentines — A Street Dispute . -472 Woodcut. Lorenzo de' Medeci's (II Magnifico) ^^ La Compagnia del Mantellaccio con Laggiunta:* Florence, 15S4. Piazza di Santa Croce — A Tournament in the XVI. Century ....... 482 Print. Florence, 1521. British Museum. Il Calcio — Florentine Football in the Fifteenth Century . 492 Woodcut. British Museum. Florence, 1494. An **^K/i Maria^^ before a Street Shrine . . . 504 Woodcut. Piero Pacini da Pescia's ^*Laude Devote di Diversi Au/ortV* Florence, Early Sixteenth Century. Savonarola preaching in Lent in Santa Maria del Fiore . 511 Woodcut. Girolamo Savonarola's " Compendio di Revelazi^me" Florence, 1496. A Dying Merchant . . . . Woodcut Girolamo Savonarola's " PredUa delV Arte del Ben Monre:* Florence, 1496. S13 ILLUSTRATIONS IN THE TEXT xxiii PAGB Santa Maria del Kiore and Campanile . • 521 Woodcat A. Poliziano*8 " Conjurationes Pactiana Comnuntaria^'^ 1498 (J. Adimari, 1769). Florence. The Corn-Granary — Or San Michele . . • 5*7 Print. •' La Toscane et U Moyen Age.'* Geo. Rohault de Fleury, Vol. I., Plate VI., 1870. Arms of "The Captains of Or San Michele" . . 534 A Sick Man in Hospital . .537 Woodcut. Giovanni Boccaccio's ' ' Geneahgie des Dieux, " Paris, 1 53 1 . Seven Corporal Acts of Mercy .... 545 Drawing, attributed to Girolamo Savonarola, in the National Collec- tion of Drawings, Florence. The Bigallo ....... 547 Print "Ztf Toua$u et U Moyen Age:' Geo. Rohault de Fleury, Vol. I., Plate II. 1870. Relieving the Needy — Street Beggars . . .553 Woodcut. Agnolo Hebreo's ** Rapprezentazione:' Florence, 1496- 1500. (By kind permission of Bernard Quaritch, Esq.) A Merchant's Dinner Party in the Loggia of his House . 560 Woodcut. ** Noveila Pincevoli chiamata da Viola:* Florence, 1496- 1500. (By kind permission of Bernard Quaritch, Esq.) Impressions of Coins in Circulation in Florence in the Thirteenth Century . -571 Amerigo Vespucci on the Shores of South America . 582 Engraving. Giovanni della Spada*s ^^ Nova Reperta" Florence, 1550. THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE LE ARTI DI FIRENZE Chapter I FLORENTINE COMMERCE AND INDUSTRY I. Formative Forces. Geographical position. Climate of Tuscany. "A £avoored Race." Origin of Florence. Roman influences. Barbarian inroads. Charlemagne. ^^ Firenze la Belial The Popes. Collegium, The Commune. II. PouTics AND Parties. Countess Matilda. GraruU and PapolanL Six Sestieri, Six Consuls. Early Records wanting. The UmilicUL Feuds and warfare. ^^ Mutar lo Staio/** Guelphs and Ghibellines. Battle of Campaldino. Machiavelli's views. III. Education and Culture. The Campanile— " Gospel of Labour." Boastings — "// Spirito del Campanile,^ Shopkeeper— gentlemen. Dante's opinion ol ^ Le Genii di FirenzeP Learning — the companion of daily life. Petrarch's aphorism. The University of Florence. Boccaccio. English travellers in Tuscany. Thomas's Diary. IV. Trade Routes and Sea Power. Roman roads. Commercial agents. Buonaccorso Pitti. Ostellieri, Commercial Treaties. Vastness of Florentine commerce Foreign Consuls. Six maritime Consuls. The " Arte del Mare ! " Florentine navy. International law. Reprisals. Florence head of the Tuscan League. THE classic Vale of Amo was, in latest of the Dark Ages, the wholesome nursery, where fair Florence — gentle nurse — fostered three young sisters : — Art, Science, and Literature. No invidious Paris fared that way, casting apples of discord before the fascinating Graces of the Renaissance. No question ever arose as to whose was the subtlest witchery, but each de- veloped charms, distinct and rare, yet not outrivalling one the other. With harmonious voices blended, and ambrosial tresses mingled, the three interlaced their comely arms, and tossing with shapely feet the flowing draperies of golden tissue, which softly veiled the perfect contours of their beauteous forms, they gaily danced along. Their enchanting rhythm was the music of the new 2 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE Civilisation : — it we know — and them — but what of their origin ? whence came they ? and who were their forebears ? Commerce and Industry, — well-matched and well-mated pair, — very early made their busy home by Arno's healthful bed. Sheltered by the gracious cliffs of Fiesole and the umbrageous woods of San Miniato, they stretched their vigorous limbs along the virgin fields and pr^^nant uplands, dipping themselves anon, and theirs, in the tonic stream. Invigorated by the crisp Tuscan breezes, and cheered by the sunlit cerulean skies, they set about the rearing of their sturdy family. Industry, — ^fond Mother, — kept by the domestic hearth, un- wearyingly nourishing and encouraging her children, — ^some of whom are chiselled upon Giotto's famous Campanile, — ^whilst Com- merce,— energetic Father, — ranged the wide world over for markets for his wares, returning, ever and a day, with hands well filled with gold and other treasures rare. Together this strenuous pair evolved, from Nature's generous womby the woolly web, the silky tress, and brilliant dye, which, sagely intermixed, by cunning hands, well dowered her growing offspring with health, and wealth, and wisdom too. .••*••■• To the intelligent student of Florentine History it comes as a matter of no surprise that her people, — so violent in political quarrel, so refined in culture, and so magnificent in circumstance, — was all the while a nation of shrewd business men — enterprising merchants, skilful artisans, and diligent operatives. From the twelfth to the end of the sixteenth centuries Florence easily held the first place in the life and work of the known world : she was in fact Athens and Rome combined ! The reason of this pre-eminence must be adjudged to three potentialities : — accidents of climate, geographical position, and peculiarities of race. The climate of Tuscany, — a highland country of hills and plains, — ^partook neither of the enervating temperature of the indolent south, nor yet of the rigour of the frozen north. Men FLORENTINE COMMERCE AND INDUSTRY 3 throve mightily under stable atmospheric conditions which aided healthful labour and inspired enterprise. Geographically, Florence was the Mistress of the intercourse of the world. In her hands she held all the northern roads to Rome, whilst, Colossus-like, her feet were placed upon the water- ways of Venice and Genoa — the emporiums of the south. From Pisa she ruled the seas. The race of Tuscans was a fusion of many vigorous strains ; Etruscan, Greek, Latin, and Teuton. Each ingredient had its special function in forming a people, physically and mentally, equal to any and every task they chose to set themselves. Dino Compagni describes the Florentines of the fourteenth century as "^farmati di bella statura oltra U Toscaniy^ and calls them, ''the favoured race." Vigour of mind and body, and the free exercise of industrial instincts, were the germs whence sprang all the splendid character- istics of the Florentines of the Renaissance. The Muse of Shelley sings thus : — " Florence, beneath the Sun, Of cities, fairest one 1 " The origin of Florence is wrapped in mystery and obscurity. Fiesole is said to have been one of her maternal forbears, and Dante calls: — '* Etruscan Fiesole — the hilly cradle of a noble race." ^ Anyhow at a very remote period the warlike people of the hills were wont to descend to the river banks to barter with such intrepid lowlanders as adventured themselves so far. At the junction of the Fiesolean stream, — the Mugnone, — ^with the Amo, gradually sprang up a small settlement of peaceful men and women, and there centred the primitive markets of the country- side. This settlement speedily became a town of considerable size and importance, and was known to the Romans, civilly, as Fluentia. » " Inferno," xv. 61-3. 4 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE When Julius Cabsar came to Fiesole to avenge a Roman defeat, wherein the Consul Fiorinus had been slain, he changed its name, — marked on his military chart as Campus Martis^ — to Fiorentja, in honour of his kinsman's memory. Florus ranks Florence with Spoletium, Interamnium, and Praeneste as, " those splendid municipia of Italy " ; and Pliny in- cludes " Fluentini vel Florentia " in his list of Romano-Etruscan Colonies. Whilst dates are all uncertain we know that the Romans re-built the town on the usual Castrum plan of intersecting streets, and lived there amid all the usual edifices of a Roman commercial city. A great impetus was given to her growth and trade by the making of the splendid Flaminian road, which crossed the Amo at the point where the Ponte Vecchio still unites the two portions of the modern city. The civilisation and prosperity of the Roman Castra were swept away by the wild inroads of the barbarians from the North. Wave after wave of savagery rolled over all the land. Goths, Vandals, Longobarbs, and Saxons worked their will amid Arno's smiling fields and pleasant gardens. Last of all came Totila, — ^the " Scourge of God," — and hewed in pieces the remnants of her folk, and made of fair Florence nothing but a dunghill and a waste. Roman farmsteads, villas, baths, and theatres were levelled to the ground. Where, by busy gate and teeming quay and mart, had gathered crowds of skilful toilers, — from fruitful fields and prolific flocks, from sea and riverside, from busy looms and noisy shops of smiths, — instead were ruined walls and battered portals. Behind the scattered stones slouched the craven sons of hard- working sires. Their hands, devoid of honest crafts, sought only their fellow's pelf. Along with the conquering Longobarbs, or Lombards, came many a German family, to whom tracts of Italian land were assigned for habitation and for culture. Attracted by its fruitful promise many a bearded and fur-clad barbarian settled on Tuscan soil, and there, too, their chieftains built their castles— employing AN EARLY MARKET-PLACE BY THE BAPTISTERY OF SAN GIOVANNI FLORENTINE COMMERCE AND INDUSTRY 5 the pressed labour of the wretched people of the land. From these strongholds did they exercise over-lordship on plain lab* ourers and rough workmen, whilst they, one and all, rendered due homage to their liege. The barbarians came, and the barbarians went, hundreds of years rolled by, and nought but the ancient Christian shrine of San Giovanni remained to tell where Florence once had been. There, under its sheltering eaves, the good Baptist, — the second Patron of their weal : warlike Mars deposed, — rallied the frightened relics of a city's throng, and the driven refugees from Fortune's frown. By the river bank clustered frail hovels, — the homes of simple fisher-folk, — adding their quota to a new township ; and boats began once more to drop adown the stream in search of food and gain. Men breathed again, their hopes revived, and dreams of life and peace, of health and work were theirs. The old fire in their blood awoke the lion of their energies, and up, out of the ashes of the dead, phoenix-like, sprang another Florence. Under the virile rule of good Queen Tbeodolinda who, at Ravenna, held her Court, in the years between 556 and 625, busy hands unearthed the blocks of Roman masonry, and around the budding city they threw the Prima Cerchia — ^the first mediaeval wall. A turn in the tide of misfortune had set in and fair Florence raised proudly aloft her head to greet the Monarch of the West In 786, Charlemagne entered through her gates with an imposing retinue. He found her people rebuilding the Romano- Lombardic town and bestirring themselves in many useful industries. The wise king noted the vigour and the intelligence of the townsfolk, and recognised especially their skill in dressing skins and wool. Greatly did he encourage these worthy craflts and granted new privileges. By decree ^ he extended the Comitatus or Cantado to a three miles radius from the Baptistery. The tears he is said to have shed at Leghorn over the sight of intrusive ^ G. Villani, Lib. iiL cap. 1-3. 6 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE Viking ships sapping the resources of Tuscany, must have been brushed aside, as, approvingly, he bestowed upon the new city the title : — •* Firenze la Bella I " — and beautiful she was — a flower- basket — in the words of Faccio degli Uberti : — " Che liraposta una gran cest dei fieri t " Two sapient Popes — Adrian I. and Leo III. — did much in the eighth and ninth centuries to encourage the arts and crafts. No Italian could at that time do foundry work, consequently Greek artificers in gold and bronze, especially, were invited to settle in Rome. Rich silken hangings, which could not be manufactured in Europe, were imported from the East, and men were set to work to imitate them. Paschal I., Gregory IV., and Sergius II. took up t|ie mantle of their predecessors, and encouraged industrial arts of all kinds. Bas-reliefs in metal and sanctuary lamps, glass vessels for the Mass and ornamental glass work, mosaics in pottery, lapidary objects encrusted with gems, enamel painting, fresco decorations, and many other ornamental and useful crafts were fostered not only in the Eternal City, but by craftsmen who travelled all over Italy and made settlements in Florence, and other places. And still the toilers toiled and still the city grew until, in 825, there was established, as in other centres of population, a CoUegium^ — a commercial university for the Arts and Crafts, — under the auspices of the Emperor Lothair. This was the Coronation of Florence. Every head of a family, and every captain of a trade, became a ruling councillor in the popular government by public meeting. Fief of the Romano-German Empire in the tenth century, Florence commercially governed, taxed, and defended herself. Her influence and her example were extended on every side. Her markets' attracted dealers and adventurers from every land : her industries workmen and apprentices. By liberating the peasants of the soil from the sway of feudal lords she became the mistress of their destinies as well as of her own. By all these means Florence laid the foundations of the only FLORENTINE COMMERCE AND INDUSTRY 7 free government possible in the Middle Ages — that of the Commune. It is a question of unusual difficulty to determine precisely the end of the Middle Ages and the beginning of the Renaissance. Italians, and Florentines in particular, never quite sank to the dismal level of other peoples — their faculties and eneigies were always far more acute and less benumbed than those of most of the inhabitants of the States around them. In a word Florence was a precious lantern, which burnt with unquenchable brilliance, and illuminated all the cities of Europe. Bonifazio III., Marquis of Tuscany, died in 1076, and left his titular sovereignty to his daughter, the Countess Matilda. Popularly known as " The great Countess," she dwelt at Lucca, holding frequent Courts in Florence — when not engaged sword in hand upon the field of battle. Her fame was such that very many of the children bom in Florence, and the Contado^ were ever after named " Tessa," or " Contessa " in her honour. Matilda was renowned for her strict administration of justice, and, in the earlier years of her reig^, she presided in person in the Court of Fleas, aided by assessors, whom she chose from among the Grandly or leading citizens. She greatly encouraged the industries and the commerce of the Commune, and readily sanctioned the warlike expeditions of the Popolani^ or traders, against the aggressive nobles of the Empire. The Countess, nevertheless, had ambitions, beyond the circumscribed limits of the Contado^ and left the city magnates to govern its affairs, pretty much as they liked. In 1078 Florence was encircled by her Second Wall, and, at the same date, she was divided into six Sestieri— or Wards — each under the presidency of a Buonuomo^ chosen by Matilda from the families of the Grandi. This magistrate administered justice, governed the population, and commanded the armed men, of his ward. In I loi the Countess made a prolonged stay in Florence, and 8 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE called together into Council the Anztani^ or Ancients — heads of Grandi families, and also the Capitudtni or heads of Popolani trades, — to frame a Constitution for the government of the Commune. In this instrument the Buonuomini adopt a new style, one indicative of personal authority and independence, namely : — Consul — a title hitherto borne only by supreme rulers of States. Upon the death of Matilda in 1115 no one took her place as ruler of Florence, but the government of the city was carried on by the Six Consuls — who thus became the Rulers of the Commune. Florence at the same time threw off her allegiance to the Emperor, and proclaimed herself mistress of her own fortunes. The yearly records of the city which have been preserved, begin only in the twelfth century. Eighteen of these, — written on the back of Sheet 71 of Codex 772 in the Vatican Palatine Library, —cover the years 1 1 10 to 1 173. A longer series of Records, running froifl 1 107 to 1247, is preserved in Codex 776 in the Magliabecchian Library in Florence. In these documents are entries of the names of Consuls and other officers of State, together with notes of contemporaneous events connected with the progress, — political and commercial, — of the inhabitants of Florence. It has been truly said : " Merchants made her history, and merchants have chronicled the same." ^ All the while another agency was at work, in the Middle Ages, which kept alive skilful toil and enterprising trade — ^the agency of the monasteries. In these institutions manual labour was pre- scribed to prevent idleness. Some communities indeed were founded mainly upon co-operative principles: for example, the UmUiati or The Humble Fathers of St Michael of Alexandria.* The Order originated in the banishment of numbers of Italians, chiefly Lombardians, into Germany by the Emperor Henry I. in 1014. These exiles associated themselves together, in religion and in toil, by working at various trades, more particularly that of dressing wool. Returning to their own homes in 1019, they retained their ^ Dr Davidssohn, " Gescbicbte von Florenz " (Preface). ^ L. Pignotti, <* Storia della Toscana," vol iii. p. 266, note. PATRONESS OF INDUSTRIES (COUNTESS MATILDA?) FLORENTINE COMMERCE AND INDUSTRY 9 organisation, and kept up their occupations, whilst their diligence and int^^ty were renowned far and wide. Down to 1 140 the Umiliati were laymen, but in that year the Order was changed into one composed solely of men of Holy Order. It is true that they no longer worked themselves, but they gathered around their monasteries and cells, everywhere, great numbers of lay-workers, of all ages and of every class, whose labours they directed, and whose morals they protected. The head of this early Labour Bureau was called ^^ Mercato'' In no other city or republic did the Humble Fathers achieve anything like the success which marked their work in Florence. Indeed, in some places, the industry entirely failed to attract workers ; for example, in Pisa, — where they had com- menced operations about the same time as in Florence, — they were obliged, in 1 302, to beg alms to maintain their factory ; and, a few years later, they were obliged to give up operations and quit the place entirely. In Florence it was very different, and their advent in 1238 was warmly welcomed, and its importance rec(^ised by the shrewd manufacturers and operatives. Three conditions appear to have been constant in the political and commercial history of Florence, which, viewed in connection with their possible effect upon one another, were absolutely con- tradictory. First: — the incessant warfare — feuds, brigandage, and reprisals, which kept the population in a constant turmoil. Florence herself fomented some of these, as, by degrees, she acquired rural districts, and went on to conquer and to annex more distant townships and lands. Second : — the extraordinary fre- quency with which the form of government was changed : " Mutar lo Stato " became a household proverb. Magistrates one day acclaimed and trusted, were on the morrow di^^aced, dismissed, and even slain. Third : — the amazing prosperity of the city, and the rapid increase of trade associations or Guilds, under fixed rules and duly elected officers. In truth, on one and the same day, a man might be called upon to fight to the death in 10 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE some fell conflict, to exercise his privilege with respect to the franchise of the city, and to undertake some new industrial enterprise ! The following is the refrain of a Folk Song of Old Florence, sung by the sorrowing women, as they looked in vain for the return home of the bread-winners : — " Gather up his tools and bring them With his apron of brown leather. Father, wilt Uiou not be going To thy work this summer weather? Father slain and brother wounded — They have struck them down together ! " ^ The strife between Guelphs and Ghibellines which actually commenced soon after the death of the Countess Matilda, was a struggle for supremacy on the one hand, between a democracy of merchants and traders, — aided by their work-people, — and, on the other, an aristocracy of nobles and soldiers of fortune, — backed up by their retainers. The names were first used in Florence in 121 5, but were originally given by the Emperor Frederic II., — the former to designate the upholders of the Pope, — ^the latter to distinguish the adherents of the Empire. The Battle of Campaldino on June 1 1, 1 285, proved, by the victory won for Florence, the progress made in commercial enterprise and prosperity. In spite of the many and lengthy wars with all her neighbours, Florence was in a good and happy condition. Her population was increasing rapidly in number and in wealth. Every man was making money in his trade, and everything went merrily like a marriage bell. Festivals and feasts were multiplied, children went about clothed in new garments of fine cloth and silk, and women, with garlands of fresh flowers and coronets of silver and of gold, — the work of cunning craftsmen, — sang and danced the livelong day.* But the triumph of Campaldino was brief. Beneath the brilliant robes of her nobles and her merchants and the goodly garments 1 Old Tuscan Folk Songs, " Vacerp," «G. Villani, " Cronica," vii. 131. FLORENTINE COMMERCE AND INDUSTRY 11 of her artisans and her peasants, there rankled still the class-hatred, which had ever threatened her internal peace. The constant feuds and factions which distracted Florence, from the first day, when, in 1177, the Uberti tried to seize upon the Lordship, until the very end of the Republic, did nothing more or less than winnow parties and thresh out policies, leaving behind as a substantial result a solidarity which had no equal in Europe. Her rulers were men of sterling grit, and her laws, — forced by exigency of circumstances, — were perspicuous for liberty, lafge mindedness, and justice. Merchants of the " CaltmcUa " — the finishers of foreign woven cloth — ^for example, carried on their business undaunted by troubles at home. Its members belonged to all and every party in the State. When the feud of the Donati and Cerchi was at its height, thirty-eight merchant-families sided with the former — the Neri or "Blacks," and thirty-two with the latter— the Bianchi or " Whites " — whilst as many more were neutral.^ Machiavelli has, in his " History of Florence," given an ex- cellent and sententious view of the vicissitudes to which govern- ments are subject. He says: — "The general course of changes that occur in States is from a condition of order to one of disorder, and from the latter they pass again to one of order. For as it is not the fate of mundane affairs to remain stationary, so when they have attained their highest state of perfection, beyond which they cannot go, they of necessity decline. And these again, when they have descended to the lowest, and by their disorders have reached the very depth of debasement, they must of necessity rise again, inasmuch as they cannot go lower." * '' Cities that govern themselves under the name of Republics, and especially such as are not well constituted, are exposed to frequent revolutions in their government" * " The causes of nearly all the evils which afflict Republics are to be found in the great and natural enmities that exist between 1 VUluii, ▼. jS. * MachUveUi, <* Le Istorie di Firenze/' Lib. ▼. sect i. ' Machiavelli, Lib. iv. sect i. 12 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE the people and the nobles, which result from the disposition of the one to command, and the indisposition of the other to obey."i Perhaps the most perfect, and certainly the most beautiful, building in Florence is the famous Campanile. Vasari says: — '^ Giotto not only made the design for this bell-tower, but also sculptured part of these stories in marble, in which are represented the beginnings of all the arts." These stories are told in panels of hexs^onal shape, not in the conventional and devotional manner of the age, but freely from the standpoint of everyday life. Giotto gloried in his Florence and in her progress, and so he has adorned his Campanile with the records of her industries and of her commerce. His first subjects are "The Creation of Adam," and "The Creation of Eve " ; next he presents " The labours of Adam and Eve " — the man working patiently with his spade, the woman with her laden distaff; — and then "Jabal — the father of such as have cattle," — setting forth man's pastoral work. After Jabal follows his brother, " Jubal — the father of all who handle harp and organ." Tubal Cain is next in order, — the instructor of the art of working in metals. Labour in the vineyard, personified in Noah, succeeds ; and here ends the Scriptural subjects so called. The seven Arts and Sciences follow in turn — Astronomy, Arithmetic, Geometry, Grammar, Logic, Rhetoric and Music, — each pourtrayed in a separate panel. Three panels are devoted to the crafts of Building, Pottery,* ^ Machiavelli, Lib. iii. sect i. ^ Some say this panel represents a Physician in his chair, attending to his patients. His pose is that commonly depicted in the examination of urine, and a similar pose is seen in woodcuts of the end of the fifteenth century : €,g, Jacopo de Cessolis's // Giuoccho delU Scacchi^ printed by Antonio Miscomini, in 1493, where the doctor, or apothecary, as the Quenis PawfUy is testing some ointment or other mixture. Others assert that the panel exhibits a master-potter examining earthenware vessels, made in the Con/ado, and brought into the city by women with wicker bearing-baskets, as was the custom. Probably the panel represents doik Medicine and Pottery — the row of boecali^ aibarellif etc, on the shelf indicating the useful purposes served by the Potters' craft, and indispensable in the prosecution of the Science of Healing. CAM PAN ILK AND DUOMO FLORENTINE COMMERCE AND INDUSTRY 13 and Wool-weaving — ^the special industries of Florence. A dignified group comes next, — probably illustrative of the Judicial function, — and then three subjects, setting forth man's mastery over land, and air, and sea — a horseman, an aeronaut (Daedalus), and a ship with its crew of navigators. Pastoral industries follow: — Ploughing and Transport, with Painting — Apelles, and Sculpture— Pheidias. These chiselled pictures of life and life's activities have made of Giotto's Campanile a pulpit, whence for all time is preached the " Gospel of Intelligent Labour." The Florentines of old looked down with ill-di^uised contempt upon the citizens of other States, and especially upon the in- habitants of cities which they had conquered. These in their turn had petty rivalries amongst themselves — Siena, Pisa, Volterra, Montepulciano, San Gimignano, and the rest. Nothing pleased the citizens of Florence more than to boast of their victory in 1260 at Montaperti, and of other successes, when they met people from the defeated cities. This peculiarly Tuscan characteristic led every city to boast of its own importance, and of the superiority of its public institutions and buildings. The '* Spirit del CampaniUy^ as it was called, was nowhere else more rampant than -in Florence, where everybody seemed to be only too ready to disparage his neighbour, whilst he vaunted his own eminence, or the excellence of his craft, or the superiority of his City. The Florentines were essentially a nation of shopkeepers, but, at the same time, they were a Republic of independent gentlemen. Whilst industrious beyond all their contemporaries, and frugal beyond the generality of men, their leisure was marked by creations in Art, Science and Literature, and their table distinguished by mirth, erudition and hospitality. Each party in the State in turn sought to outdo the other in the advancement and adornment of his well-beloved city. Fine work set on foot by one party was elaborated by another. Wealth, honour, and dear life itself, were ever at the service 14 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE of the State. Each man was, first of all, a citizen, and then a private individual. The glory of ** Firenze la Bella " was the true seal of family distinction. The Commune flourished Amazingly amid the invigorating influences of constant political disturbances, and became the centre of such a high and generous mental culture as has not a compeer in the world's history. This culture was a democratic trait, not the exclusive possession of the few; and, as a true characteristic of the Florentines of the twelfth to the sixteenth century, it is exhibited in the architecture of Amolfo, the painting of Cimabue, the sculpture of Giotto and the poetry of Dante. Speaking of the Acts, Statutes, and Laws of Florence, Dante represents the people as superior to all others in Italy for civil virtues, incorrodible faith, sincerity in religion, and noble charity. He considered that all these excellent qualities were the foundation upon which rested the commercial pre-eminence of the city. Florence was a Republic of merchants and artisans, and her citizens, distinguished as Nobili and Popolani, were united in the general designation '' Le Genti di Firenze,'* — "The People of Florence." A very important feature in the extraordinary enterprise and success of the merchants and craftsmen of Florence was the influence of education and literature upon all classes of the population. The commonest people were casuists, metaphysicians, diplomatists, keen observers of human nature, and instinctive judges of character. In the Middle Ages learning was regarded almost exclusively as the handmaid of religion, but in the era of the Renaissance it was looked upon as the companion of everyday life. One of the civil phenomena of the times of the Republic of Florence, — and one very difficult to understand from our present point of view of educational economy, — was the union in the persons of merchants and artisans, of fine literary taste and scholarly culture, with rare qualifications for political office and keen instincts for commercial enterprise. FLORENTINE COMMERCE AND INDUSTRY 15 Industry, the object of which is ordinarily the supply of necessaries and luxuries, was, from the first, a means of power or at least amelioration in all the regions of human civilisation. It furnished Florentines with a Royal Road to the highest summits of Art, Science, Literature and Discovery. Whether nobles, merchants, craftsmen, or operatives, they have come down to us as philosophers, rhetoricians, astronomers, writers, poets, painters, sculptors, architects, and the rest So keen was the interest displayed by all classes in all and everything which made for greater knowledge and ability in the prosecution of their various crafts, that teachers of every degree did not lack attentive audiences. In a letter of Petrarch to Boccaccio he calls the Florentine intellect quick and subtle rather than grave and mature: — ^^ O ingenia fnagis' aria qUam matura I " Historians, such as Ricordano Malespini, Dino Compagni, and Giovanni Villani, tell us many interesting stories about the universality of education in Florence in their days. Tailors left their benches to attend the Greek lecture. Blacksmiths laid aside their hammers for the pen of history, Woolcarders found time to study law, Barbers sought the chair of poetry, and Butchers went in for literary research, and so forth. There was " no one," says Dino Compagni, " in Florence who could not read," and *" even the donkey-boys sang verses out of Dante!" ■ ••• •••• The initiation of the University of Florence was accomplished in the same manner as that which called the Guilds into ex- istence. It was the consequence of the great movement towards association which began to sweep over Europe early in the eleventh century. By the middle of the thirteenth century the association of learning and industry was fully recognised as a necessity for successful commercial pursuits. Classes were, from time to time, established for higher technical culture, and at length, in 1349, the *^ Studio Fiorentino " was founded with an annual endowment of two 16 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE thousand five hundred gold florins, — about ;£i200 steriing, — Clement VI. granting the Papal Bull for the recognition of the faculties.^ The development of the University was rapid : — in 1348 there were only six schoke^ — faculties, — under as many teachers, whilst in 142 1, there were forty-two Professors, and by 1472, a great number of branch academies and technical schools were thriving amazingly. To the University of Florence belongs the distinction of the foundation of the first chairs of Greek and Poetry in Italy — the former in 1360 and the latter in 1373. Among the earliest professors was Messere Filelfo, who had, in the latter part of the fourteenth century, as many as four hundred pupils belonging to leading families. In 1360 Giovanni Boccaccio — the first Professor of Poetry — ^introduced Leontius Pilatus to the Signaria^ by whom he was appointed first Professor of Greek. His appointment proved to be a great incentive for the Florentines to enter enthusiastically into the study of antique monuments, whence resulted their superiority in the subtilties of the plastic art The Statutes of the" Universitas Scholarum,''—dLS the legal title had it, — were submitted to the *' Afprobatores Statutarum Artiunt Communis Florentia'' — "The Revisers of Guild Statutes for the Commonwealth of Florence." They were drafted in the same spirit and order as the Statutes of the Guilds, with corresponding offices, byelaws, etc. Quite young boys were admitted to matriculate, as in the Guilds, and it was possible for a pushing youth to attain his doctorate or degree at the age of seventeen. Every student was required to be of legitimate birth, and a roistered native of Florence. There was no age limit and no class qualification. Each was allowed an honorarium of one gold florin per month, — a b^garly amount in truth, — but medical students, who lived under very strict rules with respect to dissec- tions, etc., — ^were privil^fed to receive an allowance of red wine and spices — ^" just to keep up their spirits 1 " * ^ Rashdall, *' Universities of Europe," vol. ii. pp. 46-50. ' Statttta Popolo Florentine, p. 74. V4X#X#X#X*V#V^X*V4V*V#X*X4^ A LATIN GRAMMAR MASTBR AND HIS PUPII^, FLORBNCR. FIFTBRNTH CBNTURY. 18 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE Four licensed merchants were appointed money lenders, or pawnbrokers, for students, wh6 were forbidden to borrow of any other persons; these officials were styled ^^ Feneratori'* — usurers. No student might carry arms of any kind. The Rector was elected annually by the votes of the whole of the students, who had attained the age of eighteen, and to him were accorded discretionary powers over the whole University. Theological students looked to Rome for preferment and benefactions. In a Roll of the University of the year 1404 some students are mentioned as having asked the Pope for, and having obtained, two or three or more benefices — mounting up in their gross revenues to the annual value of three hundred gold florins more or less apiece ! ^ Strict sumptuary laws were enacted. Students were forbidden to wear garments of fine or ''noble cloth " — as the highly finished ' Florentine cloth was called ; whereas Professors were allowed this rich material. Black was prescribed for ordinary use, but on State occasions scarlet robes were worn ornamented with fur and gold embroideries. A few only of the distinguished men connected with the University of Florence can be named here :-— Leonardo Bruni Aretino, (1369-1441) — the reviver of the study of Greek, Lpeon Battista Alberti, (1405- 1472) — architect and scientist, Angelo Poliziano, (1414-1494) — philosopher and writer, Antonio Minucci, (1431-1487) — reader-in-law and history, Pico delta Mirandola, (1461-1494) — ^theolc^ian and moralist, and Leonardo da Vinci, (1452-15 19) engineer and humanist. English travellers in Tuscany, — and there were many especially in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, — saw of course very much to astonish them. Two of these, Sir Richard Guylforde and Sir Richard Torkington, were the first to give expression to their impressions in writing. Their ''Diaries," — made in 1506 and 15 16 respectively, — were dictated by the spirit of mediasvalism. The ^ Statuta Popalo Floreatise, p. 383. FLORENTINE COMMERCE AND INDUSTRY 19 civilisation of the Renaissance, which they encountered, seems to have been quite beyond their comprehension. The things which struck them most strongly were the manufacture of glass at Murano, and the use, by the Venetians, of basins and ewers in their daily ablutions 1 ^ In the middle of the fifteenth century two other English travellers went on their separate ways through Italy. They were far and away more intelligent, and more in touch with the movements of the age, than the pair which had preceded them. Great admirers of the Florentines, they eulogise both their charac- teristics and their customs. Hoby's " Diary " is full of personal experiences. Everybody with whom he had intercourse charmed him by their gentlemanly manners. He was, later on, induced, solely from this experience, to write his famous translation of ** II Cortigiano!^ The richness of domestic decoration also impressed him. He slept, he says : " in a chamber hanged with cloth of gold and velvet," whilst on the bed was, " silver work, and the bolsters were of rich silk." * Thomas's narration ' is of a more ambitious character ; he con- trasts the universities of Italy, wherein the students were mostly gentlemen, with similar English centres of education, where, as he writes, ~ there mean men's children are set to school in hope to live upon hired learning." The Italians, he says : " are modest in dress and neat at table and sober in speech." Regarding the division of classes he was impressed by the fact that the leading merchants were, for the most part, gentlemen. " If there are," he writes, " three or four brothers, one or two of them go into a trade ; and, in case there is no division of their father's patrimony, then the merchants work for their brothers' benefit, as well as for their own. And in- asmuch as their reputation does not suffer by reason of their trade, it follows that there are more wealthy men in Italy than in any other country." He admired too the skill and comparative wealth of the > Ounden Society, 1881. * Egerton MSS. 2148. British Museum. » "A HUtorie of Italie," 1549. 20 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE working classes. '' I r^ard/' he writes, ** the Italian artificers as being the finest and most inventive workmen of all others.** He adds, later on, — speaking of the cities of Lombardy in particular, — " there is almost no craftsman's wife that hath not her gown of silk, and her chain of gold 1 " With respect to Florence, all classes struck him by their talka- tiveness, and their manifest desire to appear eloquent. ''He is not," he writes, "reputed a man among them that cannot play the orator in his tale, as well in gesture as in word." The Academy was one of the most interesting sights he saw during his visit He describes how the learned Florentines, from various grades of society, met there, — the Duke among^st them. One« chosen beforehand, would ascend the pulpit and deliver an oration lasting more than one hour. '* Never have I heard," writes the narrator, "reader in school, nor preacher in church, handle themselves better." After the fall of the Roman Empire the trade routes, with their hostelries and posts for horses, were restored by Charlemagne, and maintained by successive Emperors and their feudatories. Three kinds of establishments were provided by the Imperial Government for their couriers and for foreign expeditions. I. CivitaUs. in the towns — where numbers of horses were kept for despatch anywhere throughout the State. 2. Mutationes^ in the villages — where relays of animals were stabled for immediate use. And 3. Mansiones^ in the country — ^where men and horses, engaged in long and wearisome journeys, might rest awhile. Generally commercial travellers from Florence were men travelling in companies, but frequently enough all the members of a family went abroad with father or son, who had received the appointment of resident agent, in a foreign city, of some rich business house. The interests of the forwarding company were supposed to be the principal object of these journeys, but, as a rule, a good deal FLORENTINE COMMERCE AND INDUSTRY 21 of quite natural self-interest was associated with the expedition, which was never devoid of adventure and romance* A notable soldier, merchant, diplomatist and man of letters, Buonaccorso Pitti, in his Chronicle,^ relates how he accomplished his journeys in France and Germany in the year 1395. *' Being obliged," he writes, "for the service of the Florentine Republic to undertake a mission to Paris I set out on the 28th of January of the same year. I took the road to Friuli, and spent thirty-five days among the snow with the diggers clearing the glacier, before I was able to pass with ten oxen. I stopped in turn at Constance, Basel, and Langres. ... I returned by way of Burgundy and Germany. After my arrival at Treviso, I sent on my laden pack horses to Padua, whilst I went on to Venice. I left Venice on the 22nd of March, rested at Mestre, and was at Padua that night. On the morning of the 23rd I set out, with two good riding horses belonging to the Lord of Padua, and, without eating and drinking, I reached Ferrara at eight o'clock that evening. Here I hired some of the Marquis' horses, and went on to San Gioi^o, within ten miles of Bologna. In the morning, before sunrise, I arrived at Bologna, and taking two fresh horses I reached Scarperia late at night I arrived in Rome early in the morning of March 25th. This distinguished Florentine, who had already, in 1374, been sent as Ambassador to Paris was also something of a financial plunger. He made hazardous investments, gave and accepted loans at high rates of interest, and was addicted to selling for a fall — as we now say. One day he was rolling in riches, and the honoured guest of princes and wealthy merchants; the next, he was out of elbows, and could not raise a few so/di for a shave at Burchiello's ! Many of the agents of Florentine commercial houses became famous in the annals of their city no less than in the greater world of Europe. Filippo degli Scolari, — a traveller for the " Ca/imala " in Hungary, — was appointed cashier to the king, and director of 1 Cronica, (?) 1396. 22 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE the currency. He restored the kingdom and was named Governor of Servia and Captain-General. Castruccio Castracani, — a member of the Interminelli banking-house, — who was exiled in his youth for a trivial offence, raised himself as a soldier and a statesman until he was elected Lord of Lucca. Farinata degli Uberti — merchant, soldier and statesman, became the master of COMMERCIAL TRAVELLER OR AMBASSADOR. HFTEENTH CENTURY. Tuscany. Niccolo Acdaiuoli — a member of Ihe noted steel manu- facturing house, — ruled the kingdom of Naples as dispenser of Justice. Along the trade routes were Ostelhert — Commercial Inns — at the disposition of the members of the Guilds. The Ostellani undertook to lodge and feed Florentine merchants and their agents upon their journeys, and to store their merchandise. These men were under the observation and order of the Guild Consuls and visiting in- spectors. They were forbidden, under penalty of losing their licences, to participate in mercantile speculations. They were FLORENTINE COMMERCE AND INDUSTRY 23 established in Paris, Caen, Aries, Perpignan, S. .Gilles, and other places in France, and also throughout Flanders and Germany. Trade routes crossed and re-crossed one another, but all converged upon Florence ; and over these her merchants entered into arrangements with their respective rulers. In early days, however, it was a common practice for the hill tribes to swoop down upon pack trains, which conveyed to and fro cons^ments of merchandise. To safeguard her commercial interests Florence entered into many treaties with her neighbours : Pisa — 1 171 ; Lucca — 1 1 84; Signori del Mugello, who were robber chieftains — 1200, for safe conducts; Bologna — 1203, against reprisab; Faenza — 1204» with respect to jurisdiction ; Perugia — 1218, concerning the wool and silk trades; Maremma chieftains — 1251, for security of cattle droves, etc. Several treaties were made with Siena and Pisa which treated of territorial as well as commercial policy. With respect to sea-borne merchandise, the chief ports for the trade of Florence were Ancona, Rimini, and Venice, on the east, and on the west, Pisa, Leghorn, and Genoa. The commercial relations of Florence grew apace. Goro Dati glories in the fact that, — as he puts it, — "The Florentines were well acquainted with all the holes and corners of the known world." ^ In the fourteenth century more than three hundred agents were despatched every year upon commercial journeys. Resident Florentines were first appointed Consuls at foreign ports in 1329. The qualification for this important office was simply citizenship, but only such men as might be expected to extend the fame and influence of Florence, by their own personal force of character and aptitude for business, were chosen. These officers were established in Eastern ports, where each was assisted by a secretary, — with a monthly salary of four gold florins, — two assistants and a native dragoman. Each Consul had three horses at his disposal. He was forbidden to engage in trade, or to act in any way for other States. His salary was paid by rates levied upon merchandise entering and leaving the port. * Goro Dati, *' Istoria di Firenze," Lib. iv. p. 56. 24 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE In London the income of the Florentine Consul was obtained by percentages upon the Lettere di Cambio^ — bills of Exchange, — and upon the values of cargoes sold and bought. At Con- stantinople, Lyons, Bruges, and other principal trading centres similar rates were in force. Florentine merchants and bankers were found in numbers everywhere, in Turkey there were fifty- one houses, in France — twenty-four, at Naples — ^thirty-seven, and so on. The first substantial gain to the Republic was the concession of land at various foreign ports for the erection of residences for the Consuls, offices, warehouses, hospitals, and churches. Between the year 1423 and the end of the century resident Florentine Maritime Consuls had been appointed at Alexandria, Naples, Majorca, Constantinople, in Cyprus, and away on the shores of the distant Black Sea, and in Persia, India, and China. To each of these high officials were attached Chancellors, Purveyors, Interpreters, Inspectors of all kinds, and clerks, and quite a numerous body-guard of men-at-arms. In short, miniature Florences sprang up everywhere, and claimed, and obtained, equal rights, privileges, and honours as were accorded to the mother city. The expenses of these establishments were borne by freight dues on cargoes entering and leaving port. Pisa was the most accessible port in Tuscany, and she was well worth all the sacri- fices which the wars with her brave and industrious inhabitants cost the men of Florence. She had a Consul all to herself, who ranked as the chief magistrate of a great maritime Guild, or University, in connection with the '* CalinuUa ** merchants of the capital city. The bulk of the raw wool imported by the Woollen Manufacturers, and the foreign cloth consigned to the " Ca/imala," was landed on her quays, and despatched thence to Florence, or to the several depots established at Prato, Empoli, Volterra, and Poggibonsi. It is impossible to say exactly when the Florentine merchants and venturers first turned their attention to the acquisition of maritime facilities. Probably the successes of the Pisans, the FLORENTINE COMMERCE AND INDUSTRY 25 Genoese, and the Venetians^ opened their eyes to the possibilities before them. Naturally the three cities did all they could to impede the rivalry of their inland sister, and probably, had not their own internal dissensions played such an important part in their commercial prosperity, they would have succeeded in hampering her ambitions. Apparently the first actual step taken by Florence to acquire seaboard rights was in 1254, when Pisa granted free import and export to Florentine merchandise. The treaty of that year was the ground-work of the many disputes between the rival cities which led to the ultimate downfall of Pisa. For many a long year however Florentine merchants were content to make use, by hire, of the ships of maritime States. Rosso Bazzaccari, a ship-master of Pi^a, in 1279, lent his fine new vessel the San Pietro to Nasico Nassi, — a merchant of Florence, — to transport from Porto Pisano two hundred mule loads of goods to Palermo.^ The power of Florence was so great in 1285 that the people of Pisa, wishing to maintain good relations, sent an embassy to the Florentine Government The ambassadors took with them great opaque glass bottles of what .purported to be rich white Vernacera wine by way of presents ; but they were found to be full of gold florins ! * Many treaties were made with Pisa for the benefit of Florentine transport trade. These were all more or less favourable, although the Pisans did not hesitate to tax Florentine goods when and how it suited them. In 1329 Florence was placed upon the same footing as Pisa, and her merchandise was relieved of all restrictions. In 1356 the port of Talamone was acquired from the Sienese, in consequence of Pisa's reversion to taxation, and the Florentine merchants hired fourteen war galleys to protect their trade from the Genoese and Pisans. The capture of Pisa in 1406 gave Florence possession of the whole seaboard of Tuscany. Two other ports were acquired by Florence in the early part 1 Archivio di Pisa, Atti Pubblichi. ^ Villani, vii. 97. 26 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE of the fifteenth century : — Porto di Venere, a small harbour in the Gulf of Genoa, in 141 1, for the sum of eight thousand four hundred gold florins — as a check to Genoese trade ; and Livorno— Leghorn — in 142 1 for one hundred thousand gold florins. In 1421 / Set Consoli del Mare — Six Maritime Consuls — ^were elected over and above the trade Consuls already established at Pisa. All six resided at Pisa till 1426, when three were stationed in Florence. Their duties were in the main similar to those of the Consuls of the Guilds. In fact the sea and its navigation were annexed to the Republic of Florence and were enrolled among \itx Arti! The three Consuls at Pisa were occupied mainly as follows : — I. To watch all the commerce of the Port 2. To encourage traders and navigators to use that Port. 3. To prevent contra- band and to protect Florentine merchandise. 4. To prepare the way for commercial treaties with other cities and states. 5. To examine all bills of lading and ships* business papers. 6. To inspect the crews, and supervise the wages paid out 7. To inspect the vessels, and undertake repairs. 8. To keep accurate ledger accounts, etc. etc. The three Consuls resident in Florence were required : — i. To receive and file reports from Pisa. 2. To furnish every sort of shipping information, which they were required to post in the loggia of the Mercato Nuovo and in other public places. 3. To approve the appointment, or the reverse, of all men named for foreign consulates. 4. To receive complaints and suits in respect of marine matters, and to adjudicate thereupon. 5. To make representations to the Council of State in cases requiring official interference, etc. etc. The Sea Consuls settled the number of the crew of each vessel and its armament, and appointed the officers ; but relatives of the Consuls could not be enrolled. Vessels taking the Eastern route sailed usually in September, those to the west in February. Fifteen days before their departure public notice was posted. Merchants, skippers, and crew, were permitted to reside at Pisa FLORENTINE COMMERCE AND INDUSTRY 27 fifteen days before departure and ten days after arrival, but on no account for a longer period. Contracts with seafaring-men were drawn up by the Maritime Consuls. Sometimes they loaned galleys at a monthly, or yearly, rental, reserving certain rights and extorting certain conditions. For example, in 1429, to Domenico Doliini a galleon waJs con- signed for five years, on condition that he made five voyages annually, freighted his vessel with gold, silver, wax, and some thousand pieces of Florentine made cloth, and discharged his cai^oes only at Porto Pisano. Both at Pisa and in Florence the Maritime Consuls were charged with numberless responsibilities outside their technical authority. For example, at Pisa, the three Consuls performed the functions of the old city magistrates, and had the superintendence of the forests, fisheries, etc., in the neighbourhood of the city, and of the export of native grown corn, together with the duties of the drainage and cultivation of the land. The '^ Arte del Mare'' was an immediate and immense success. In the year of its initiation six guardships were completed in the Port of Livorno— which had been declared a free port for Florentine merchandise. Through her Maritime Consuls Florence encouraged foreign workmen to settle at Pisa and Livorno, and at her minor ports, who were masters of shipbuilding. To each man was granted a gold florin a month for the space of two years with free quarters for ten years. Shipwrights and caulkers were exempt from all taxes for a period of twenty years. Four broad beamed galleons — GaUe di MercatOy and six shallow bottoms — FusUy were put on the stocks forthwith, and one of each was launched month by month. The timber came from the Forests of Cerbaie in Tuscany, which were declared State property, in 1427, and the Mugnone saw-mills were erected at the public expense. The cost of this first Florentine mercantile fleet was charged upon the revenues of the Corte di Mercanzia^ — Tribunal or Chamber of Commerce, — whereof one hundred thousand gold florins were set 28 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE apart each month. The command of the squadron was given to Andrea Gai^iolli, a citizen and merchant of Florence, and he was appointed also Superintendent of Marine at Pisa. Direct sea-borne commercial relations with England seem to have existed since 1329, and in 1385 Sir John Hawkwood was sent as ambassador to Florence to negotiate a Treaty of Commerce ; but not until the year 1441, did the Republic despatch a Florentine A "galbe db mbrcato." a merchant vbssbl, sixteenth century. built and manned fleet to English ports. Ten galleons sailed that year to England and ten to Barbary, whilst the ensign of '' The Florentine Lily " flew in every port in Europe and the East Freights by other than Florentine galleons were subjected to a rigid tariff, which had a tendency to rise with the increase of trade. In 1457 the tax upon each piece of foreign cloth delivered at Porto Pisano, amounted to one gold florin, but some years after the large sum of sixty gold florins was extorted. By the year 1458 quite a considerable fleet of armed vessels was collected at the mouth of the Amo, to convoy the galleons of FLORENTINE COMMERCE AND INDUSTRY 29 commerce. The earliest trade routes by sea were, — eastward, Tunis, Alexandria, Cyprus, Jaffa, and Constantinople, westward, Sicily, Majorca, Barcelona, Marseilles, Algiers. Certain vessels traded direct with British and Flemish ports. . The voyages were accurately timed, and so reg^ulated that a serviceable connection was maintained between all ships at sea. Porto Pisano was the ultimate rendezvous of all freight vessels. The first private merchant ships were built in 1480, and to their owners were conceded the h'ghts hitherto held by the six Maritime Consuls. They were permitted to sail when and how they liked, and to load whatever freight their owners, or skippers, desired; but all parties interested in the enterprise were placed under the same conditions as had obtained previously. Beyond this owners paid toll for the use of the piers, harbours, and ware- houses. By the end of the fifteenth century the merchant navy of Florence numbered eleven great and fifteen small galleons — all in full commission, and her special galleon-florin,— coined in 1422, — at the instance of Taddeo Cenni, a Florentine merchant at Venice, was in free circulation at high exchange. In short the ''Arte del Mare;' "the Guild of the Sea," was the parent of the present day syndicate of Lloyds ! The invention of the compass did very much to simplify the trade routes by sea — ^voyages were shortened, coasting pirates were eluded, and ports of call became unnecessary. The oversea commerce of the Renaissance and its development led to the world's supremacy of Florence in material prosperity and social progress. Goro Dati, writing about this ascendancy, valued the stationary funds of the Republic in his day — the middle of the fourteenth century — ^at twenty million gold florins.^ . ....... What is now called International Law was entirely unknown in old Florence and her borders. Nothing appeared to those busy traders more reasonable than to shut the door against neighbours 1 Goro Dati, <' Istoria di Firenze," c. y\\u pp. 129-131. 30 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE who would not submit to their terms, and to impose taxes upon all foreign products. Hence the treaties with Siena, Volterra, Pisa, Genoa, Lucca, Arezzo, and other communes and cities, were dictated rather from commercial than from political motives. Contracts of assurance were usually made out for all consign- ments whether of goods or bullion. They were aimed against three chief contingencies — accidents by land, risks by sea, and depredations of light-fingered gentry in general. The premiums paid by Florentine merchants ranged from six to fifteen per cent of the declared value of the goods.^ The question of reprisals or retaliation was always very important in the policy of the Florentine merchants. The origin of the system goes far back to the days of Frederic II. In 1239 the Podesta of Pisa, having failed to forward to the Vicar of the Empire, Gebhard d'Amstein, the sum of nearly five thousand pounds due to Count Ridolfo di Capraja, the latter received authority and license to "make distraint for that sum upon the goods and persons of the Pisans." The custom grew apace, until in 1298 the merchants of Florence put reprisals into force against Perugia — for the sum of six hundred lire^ Fano — for two thousand, Spoleto— for two hundred and fifty, Pisa — for fifty-five, and Forli — for fourteen hundred. Each of these towns had borrowed money from Florentines, or had distrained merchandise on its way to or from Florence. Viterbo, Venice, and Padua came in for similar treatment' Against Sinola, where, in 1297, a sumpter-mule laden with fine Florentine cloth had been stolen, the Podesta, with the advice of the Consuls of the Seven Greater Guilds, accorded a sum of two- hundred and forty gold florins, for the value of the goods, two hundred for damage, and forty for expenses attached to the suit The same year the Pisans were adjudged a fine of eight hundred lire against the pillage of a ship laden \rith com. Under date August 14, 1329, Ser Nerio Mici di Bibbiena com- 1 G. A. L. Cibrario, " Delia Eoonomia Politica del Medio Evo," vol. ii. p. 244. 3 Prowisione iz. 174, 185, ao8, etc. FLORENTINE COMMERCE AND INDUSTRY 31 plained to the Officials of the Mercanzia that he had suffered highway-robbery, in the Borgo Ghiaceti. He asserted that he cried out, ''Accor' uomot Acan^ ikww?/"— "Help!— Help!"— but that no one came to his assistance. Then he tabled a list of the articles of which he had been despoiled : — a wreath of gold and silver, four fine mitre ornaments, six fine linen mitres, three dozen broad decorated belts, two dozen embroidered filagree belts, three dozen black leather belts, three dozen belts of plaited hair, two dozen pairs of breeches, two dozen San Ghalgano belts, twenty yards of imitation Piste^ — woollen cloth, — two pairs of tailor's scissors, two ounces of crushed silver, twelve feet embroidery in fine gold, eighty measures of silver, one red fur lining for a man's cloak, one knife chest with four knifes, three dozen fine leathern pouches, six dozen plain pouches, one purse wrought in gold, and very many other articles of various kinds. The unfortunate man then entered a legal process, and claim for damage, against two unknown inhabitants of Borgo Ghiaceti.^ With respect to the levying of retaliations upon cities and towns outside Tuscany, the difficulties were, naturally, very great. It frequently taxed, to the utmost, the patience and the ingenuity of her merchants and their agents to avoid a resort to arms. Indeed many of the minor military expeditions, of which the Florentines were so lavishly fond, were due to this question and its solution. Questions of retaliation were constantly cropping up between Florence and her great rivals Genoa and Venice, and, as a rule, they were settled to the advantage of the tactful and resourceful men who led her destiny. With respect to foreign nations, the immense wealth and influence of the Florentine merchants, and the heavy monetary responsibilities incurred by rulers and leading men with Florentine bankers, had undeniable force in the settling of trade disputes. All questions of retaliation or reciprocity were submitted to a ' Dr Davidssofan, " Fonchungeii sttr Alteren Geschichte von Florenz," p. X9a 32 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE Tribunal sitting in Florence, composed of a Judge from the establishment of the Podesta, and one from that of the Captain of the People, and thdr findings were approved, or not, by the Priors and their assessors. As head of the '' Tuscan League of Cities/' Florence held a predominant place, and her law was smartly laid down for the acceptance of her allies. In later days such matters came before the Tribunal of the Mercanzia with the assistance of the three resident Maritime Consuls and delegates from the interested states or cities. Sttmma del Popolo eU /*irinu, A red cross npon a white field. ARMS OF THE MERCANZIA FKORKNTINK LI I A OX HAKK OF CLOTH Chapter II GENERAL HISTORY OF THE GUILDS I. Origih, —Co/legia Opificum et Artificium. Community of Interest. Matual protection. Lothair. First Florentine Consuls . Potentey Grasso^ Minuio. Ancient fomilies. Cansorierie^ or " Society of Towers." Compagnie^ or " Trade Corporations." Early notices of Trades. II. Development. — Buanuaminiy or Trade Consuls of Guilds. The council of the " Heads " or '* Priors " of the Seven Greater Guilds. First List of Guilds — seven Greater — ^fourteen Lesser. Podesta — Guido Novelli. Gonfaionieri. Standard Bearers. Military element Charles of Anjou. Five Intermediate Guilds. Struggles between Capital and Labour. Giano della Bella. Second List of Guilds— twelve Greater, nine Lesser. *' Defender of the Guilds.*' Freedom of industry. The '* Ordinamenti della GiusHziaJ^ A Code of Guild Sututes. Financial Position of the Guilds. Duke of Athens. " Le PotenzeP The "^ ParU GuelfaP The **OV?»i^" Rising. Michele Landa Three Workmen's Guilds — Artieri e opercd. Numberless minor trade associations. Third List of Guilds. Four Universities of Trades under the Medici. Shrinkage and decay. III. CONSTITUTION.—Compulsory Guild membership. ScioperaH/ Con- ditions and Rules. Apprenticeship. Women eligible. Officers. Differences and disputes. Emigration of Artisans. Pains and Penalties. Sundry Prohibitions. Hours of work. Public clocks. THE Origin of the Florentine Guilds has been rightly traced to the Corporations of Merchants and Artisans, which existed in Rome under Numa Pompilius. They were called '* Collegia '* or ** Corpora Opificum et Artificium^ These " Colleges," which by their constitutions could be mobi- lised for military purposes, also bore the name of ^^ SchoUe'' — ** Schools " or '* Professions." In times of peace they were styled ^ Schoke Artium'* but in war they were enrolled as '^ Schoke Militum:'^ Men of like age, instincts, tastes, and occupations forgathered in the several ^^ Scholcel' which safeguarded their common interests and looked after their morals and general well-being. Each ^ Dr Giuseppe Alberti, ** Arti e Mestieri," Milano 1888, chap. i. C 33 *w Wt^>^0'^JtoR<:v(C!SiOHi top HI R Seo A6! XW lv h 4 ■ TUtM ti Aa I VI tT ft R P F TVA e F tL K !TJ^^ «» an y;^cnKOR)o J3J*PA 401*111 _laT vthr£iO>Jf ors CJ?Ci^7 y>tX'f"lBDtJlfAC!OrtAfmRr Ei5C^S^ t^Hfe API *v ?il>n[n«i trvuif- Al)|*xxVI»Ji fMKK&l*' j At>| tVA S^nj^fA tJtIX CMltfii-S- yAWV TA£"HATA H il 'X» M? VAlt KTi MO MAXrifE Ai>i x?tn 5 PifTRo mcAimf f.MA SiAMfitin I r^TiA apostjol0* f 9" r£ji •>■ -J^J'T'V.t^J^ lA WJ^ SjltpWLl few K XX L^Wl lOCWW Ml ADl ^1(1 S TIBVFUOI VMBttJi A&()tT^VlU SVlTALf n«lT(S£ ^_ HE;£]ESa=XEEs AmCWA?ERASJHO ^ fc AD»i-tl1SARril xiUvlJtKClG'l- AU>rUl cufu ikbiwifwDA+ ^B If }t)ni9 ijARTOte m b aiuj& A£le iiii'SfpAHOfWo An I ' VliU^- 5 Die N 1 1 [O A\M~rtCc U>| fllfVill rivcAw«;aflTA* dtu^m fSAftswA '1J^Di■vM^IJWoi?^5s m& nAilA+ / AOi^im i^^^T*wa pftMcnAt BJ^XSOMiCTT A Calendar. With Rondels of monthly occupations<-calcuIated for the Feast of Easter from 1465 to 15 17. GENERAL HISTORY OF THE GUILDS 35 '' Schola " was furnished with a staff of duly qualified and legally appointed teachers, who instructed young men and boys in the duties and responsibilities of craftsmanship. Under the supreme authority of the State each ** Schola " or " Collegium " was governed by its own officers chosen from among, and by, its adniitted members, the chief of whom were designated *' Consuls." For a lengthy period the " SchoUe " flourished exceedingly, and were productive of immense benefit to all *classes. From the fall of the Roman Empire, however, until well into the ninth century, the ^'Schola*' seem to have suspended their benevolent operations : anyhow very little is heard of them or their members. Ceaseless feuds and devastating wars scattered far and wide merchants and artisans alike. The lamp of industry and the torch of commerce were extinguished. The land was laid bare, cities and towns were destroyed, or became camps of mercenary soldiery. Still some of the industries and enterprises which the ^^ SchoUe'' had fostered were carried on fitfully and uncertainly in families, or by individuals working alone, without regular organisation. When the stress of adversity became less severe, and security of life and property were more assured, traditions, which had been handed down in secret from father to son, again became formularies. Community of interest — the needs of mutual defence, and the advantages of cooperation, once more asserted themselves. Here and there sprang up revivals of something of the economy of the old Roman " Collegia^'' This was the condition of things in Italy when, in 825, the Emperor Lothair issued his ''Constitu- tiatus Olonenses^* wherein eight cities and towns of northern Italy were named as suitable centres of population for the establishment of new " CoUegia " or " Scholar These were Bologna, Cremona, Florence, Ivrea, Milan, Padua, Turin, and Venice. The ^^ SchoUe'' in each place bore a different designation, each indicative of the special industrial economies of the several cities. For example : — at Bologna — " Compagnie^" at Florence— '*Ca/^ludini" or "Arti" at Psidm,—" Fragzlt\" at Venice — " Consorli '* or " Matricok " ; whilst Rome retained the original i 86 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE style of " CoUegium " or " Universitas" It is not a little interest- ing to note that in the case of Florence, the title " Capitudiniy^ — Heads of Families, exactly expresses her political constitution, whilst the designation ^^ Arti** indicates her industrial character- istics. Apparently the Florentines were somewhat slow in availing themselves of the provisions of Lothair's ** Constitutiones'* Rome had Consuls at the head of her industries in 901, Ravenna in 990, — where the Corporations of Butchers, Fishermen, Merchants and others were regularly organised, — and Ferrara in 1015. Florence made no distinct sign until the first year of the twelfth century. For nearly three hundred years she had been going through an almost countless succession of petty strifes and class jealousies until at length we find her people in two camps, Grandi — the nobles and Popolani — the traders. These nobles were the lineal descendants of the old Teuton lords, who, after playing the rdle of robber-captains, made over* tures to the traders, and were by them received as leaders of punitive and aggressive expeditions against raiders and their strongholds. As early as 108 1 a joint expedition against bands of robbers, which infested the territory of Florence, and despoiled the trains of pack mules passing to and fro, proved the wisdom of united action between noble and trader.^ Some of these Grandi, such as the Uberti, the Donati, the Alberti, the Caponsacchi, the Gherardi, the Lamberti, and the Ughi united the life of landed proprietors with the occupation of city magnates.* Many noble families were also allowed a ruling influence in the affairs of the trade associations, and not a few scions of nobility sought admission as active agents in commercial pursuits.' These nobles laid aside their titles, and even changed their names that their absorption into the industrial life of the Commune might be 1 F. T. Perrens, " Histoire de Florence," vol. i. p. 190. '^ P. Villari, "Two Centuries of Florentine History," vol. i. p. 93. ' S. Ammirato, ** Deir Istorie Fiorentine," Lib. iii. pp. 288-290. GENERAL HISTORY OF THE GUILDS 37 complete. The Tomaquinci, Popoleschi, Tornabuoni, Giachiotti, Cavalcanti, Malatesta, and Ciampoli were among the Grandi who thus threw in their lot with the Popolani. Speaking of the early noble families associated with the trade of Florence Dante says : — *' Already Caponsacco had descended To the market from Fiesole : and Guida And Infangato were good citizens.'' ^ In this way the division of the population into two parts was modified, and we find Florence arranged in three classes: i. Potente — the ruling-class, 2. Grasso — the middle-class, and Minuto — the working-class. The population of Florence, her trade, and her fame, increased by leaps and bounds ; but along with her prosperity a dangerous rivalry was developed between the noble families and their retainers, and the merchants and their workpeople. The latter, whilst readily admitting nobles into their trading and industrial societies, resented the Grandi claims to pre-eminence in the control of public affairs. Usurpation of power, on one hand, was met by encroachment of privilege, on the other. A spirit of rancour was engendered which for many generations embittered the conditions of Florentine life. The breach between the two extreme parties in the Commune widened gradually, and the influence of the middle-class was inefTectual to bridge the gulf. The nobles formed themselves into defensive organisations under the designation of Consorterie — or Societa deUe Torre — Society of the Towers. Each Consorteria consisted of a noble family,-— or a union of noble families, — their households and dependants. They built embattled palaces, which served them as residences in times of peace, and as fortresses in times of popular tumult: '^ Fatniglie di Torre e Loggie'' became a common expression for families of distinction. Early in the thirteenth century there were upwards of seventy ^ " Paradiso,*' canto xvi. 121-123. r GROUND PLAN OF FLORENCE IN THE THIRTEENTH AND FOURTEENTH CENTURIES WITH THE NAMES OF THE PRINCIPAL >FAMILIES GENERAL HISTORY OF THE GUILDS 39 "Towers," and twenty of them had "Loggie" or arcades, for festivities and show. Some of them rose to a height of 270 feet, but in 1250 they were all pulled down to a height of fifty feet in compliance with the demand of the Pcpolani, It is a thousand pities that no pictured representation of Florence and her Towers has been preserved ; probably she presented a far more imposing appearance than even San Gimignaho does to-day. Of the noble families who as early as 11 86 had Towers within the city boundaries were the Uberti, Malespini, Amidei, Buondel- monti, Donati, Adimari, Pazzi, Tosinghi, Ubaldini, Caponsacchi, Amieri, Nerli, Vecchietti, Tomaquinci, Soldanieri, Abati, and Infangati. To counteract the power of the nobles the traders ranged them- selves in Compagnie — Companies or Corporations ; each one being made up of families of merchants engaged in similar industries, and their workpeople. These Compagnie were not only associations, with fixed rules and regulations for the prosecution of the trades, but they were also bands of men, trained in the art of self-defence, and quite able to give a good account of themselves in days of conflict. Researches into the Archives of Florence ^ reveal the existence of the following traders and trades during the eleventh and twelfth centuries : — 934. "Amalpertus — diaconus et medico" Minister and doctor. 102 1. •'Florentiiis — paliarius" Straw-Seller. 1028. "Ursus — pistor" Baker. 103 1 . " Martinus — caballarius " Horse-jobber. 1032. ''Casa Florentii Sarti" Tailor's shop. 1038. '' Johannis, qui tornario vocatus est " Turner. „ " Olivus— faber " Smith. 1050. " Setherimus — pellicarius " Skinner. 1070. *' Paganus, qui vocatur vinadro'' Wine-merchant. ' Dr Davidssohn, '* Forschungen zttr Alteren Geschichte von Florenz." 40 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE 1073. "Aezo — scllarius" 1076. "Barone — scutarius " 1084. '' Bonus f. Johannes baro" (for "barullo") 1087. " Rusticus — Calzolarius " ,, * Ildebrandus q. Petri qui fuit vocatur marmorajo " 1089. "... — tegularii" 1090. "Johannes f. Rodolfo, pugni- tore" 1091. " Benzoins — pentelarius " 1094. " .... Curtis di Marmorio" 1095. " Vivenzo — aurifex " 1096. " Petrus — tintore " 1098. " Paganuccio — galligario " iioi. "Sichelmus — ^stafarius" 1 104. •* Bonizo — olearius " 1 108. " Fiorentius — clavajolus " 1 1 10. " Martinus — beccadore " 1 1 1 3. " Johannes — zocolarius " 1 1 28 " Fiorentius — spaliarius 1 1 32. " Beriguallo f. — barlittario " 1 1 36. " Scartone — pettinario " 1 139. " Lupaccia — lo tricco " 1 141 . " Bernerius — Campanarius " 1 146. " Johannes(faber)f. — Brictonis" „ " Uguicione — calderarius " 1 147. "Bemardus — mugnarius" 1 148. " Petrus f. Petri— pelliparius" 1 1 58. " Marcellus — tabernarius " 1 184. " Ildebrandus--catularius " 1 1 88. " Arigito— piezicario " 1 191. •* Ugolinus — granario" „ " Martinus — pignolajuo " 1 193. " Guerius — tonditor " Saddler. Shield-maker. Hawker. Shoemaker. Stonemason. Tilers. Dagger-maker. Potter. Stone-sculptor. Goldsmith. Dyer. Tanner. Stirrup-maker. Oil-merchant Lock-smith. Butcher. Wooden-shoe maker. Armourer. Cooper. Woollen-comb maker. Fruit and vegetable seller. Bell*founder. Knife-maker. Copper-smith. Miller. Clothpresser. TAvern-keeper. Paper-maker. Victualler. Com chandler. Maker of fine linen. Fleece-shearer. GENERAL HISTORY OF THE GUILDS 41 1 195. '* Martinellus — orciolarius " Dealer in glazed-pots. 1 198. ''Bartholus — speciale" Apothecary. 1 199. "Reinaidus — pancone" Carpenter's - bench and Looxn-maken 1205. "Perinus — corregiarius *' Strap-maker. 1207. "Guillelmus — barbiere" Barber. 1209. "Cice — pei^amenarius " Parchment-dresser. 121 1. " Ristoro f. Pieri — buorsajo" Purse-maker. „ " Servodeo— osste " I nn-keeper. „ " Ispenello— kasciajulo " Cheese-merchant. „ " Albizi di Fferrare — pezzaio di Lung* Arno " Ragseller. • ••••••• Ammirato gives an account of how the city was goveme^ in 1204,^ and the order of precedence for the magistrates. At the head were two Consuls — called the Military Consuls, — precursors of the Podesta and Capitano del Pcpolo^ — then three Priors of the three principal Guilds,—" Ccdimala;' " Wool," and " Bankers,"— next six Senators of the City, one Officer of Justice, twelve '^ Buonmmini" " Good Men " — two representing the people of each sestUrCy — and lastly. Special and General Councils of influential citizens, — the latter including all the above officials with the exception of the members of the Special Council. In addition six Syndics or Inspectors were appointed by the three Priors — one for each j/x/fi?r^, who reported to them daily all that passed — public and private — in their several quarters. This magistracy exhibits the immense power of control in public business, — both commercial and political,— exercised by the representatives of the Guilds, for the six Senators of the city were appointed — one by each of the six Greater Trades, — in fact they were the Consuls of the Guilds. The year 1204 is also memorable for a treaty between Florence and Siena, which, whilst safeguarding the liberties of the Sienese, vastly increased the renown and the fortune of the Florentines. ^Ammirato, Lib. i. pp. 62-67. 42 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE This document is the first which bears the signatures of the Priors of the Trades or Guilds. In the Government of Florence several sub-councils bore their part. One of these, — the third in dignity and authority, — was the " Consiglio deUe Capitudini deUe Sette Arti Maggiori*' — the " Council of the Heads of the Seven Greater Guilds." This Council was summoned whenever new taxes had to be levied, and in all matters which concerned the trade and progress of the city. In 1236 Thirty-six Buonuomini assembled in council at the residence of the Consuls of the " Calitnala " merchants, by special ordinance, to determine the styles and precedence of the principal trade-corporations working in Florence. They placed them in two divisions which they called " Greater " and " Lesser Guilds," respectively — accentuating thus the distinction between the popolo grasso and \iit popolo minuto. In the former category they arranged in the following order : — i. " GiudideNotaV — ^Judges and Notaries; 2. Mercaianti o Arte di Calitnala — Merchants of the " Calimala " ; 3. " Cambio " — Changers of Money ; 4. " Lana " — Woollen-Manu- facturers; 5. *^ Seta" Silk-Manufacturers; 6. "Media e Speziali'* — Doctors and Apothecaries ; 7. " Pellicciai e Vaiai " — Skinners and Furriers. In thd second category were placed the following Crafts : — i. "5i?a^fl:/"— Butchers; 2. " CVi/sr^ii?/"— Shoe-makers ; y Fabbri'*— Black-smiths ; 4. " Cuoiai e Caligai " — Leather-dressers ' and Tanners; 5. " Muratori e Scarpellini** — Builders and Stone- masons; 6. " VinatHeri'' — Wine-merchants; 7. ^^FomaV — Bakers; 8. " Oliandoli e PizzicagnolV — Olive-oil merchants and Provision- dealers; 9. " Linaiuoli — Linen-manufacturers; 10. " ChiavaiuoU — Lock-smiths; 11. ^* Corazsdi e SpadaV — Armourers and Sword- makers; 12. ^^ Coreggiai*' — Harness-makers and Saddlers; 13. ** Legnaiuoli'' — Cjarpenters; and 14. " Albergatori^' — Inn-keepers. The year 1266 was a most important one in the annals of the Guilds. Count Guido Novelli, who had been Podesta for two years in succession, and was virtually absolute master of Florence, invited two members of a quasi-religious Order in Bologna, to follow GIOTTOS "HISTORY OF LABOUR.'— CAMPANILE PANELS I. BOATMEN OF THE ARNO > WEAVING WOOL 5. DOCTOR AND POTTERY. 2. PLOUGHING ON THE CONTADO 4. BLACK-SMITHING GENERAL HISTORY OF THE GUILDS 43 him in the Chief Magistracy. The Order, or Club— for such it really was, — was called '* Fratelli delta Santa Maria Vergine " ; but, in jest, " Capponi di Chinto " — " Crowing cocks '* ! Its members were young men of good family of the degree of knight, who, through the gaiety and luxury of their lives, were popularly known as Frati Gaudenti — ^Jolly-Fellows ! The two " Frati " in question were Roderigo degli Andalo, and Catalamo de' Malavolti, — ^the former a Ghibelline and the latter a Guelph.^ The new Podestas were duly installed in the Badia — the official residence of the Head of the State. To assist them a Council of Thirty-six Buonuomini was chosen by Novelli, composed of Merchants and Artisans in equal numbers, and one half Ghibellines and one half Guelphs. This Council met daily in the Offices of the*' C^i/ma/s" Merchants to give counsel to the Podestas to deliberate for the common good, and to provide for the expenses of the Government of the Republic. The business that first engrossed their attention was the reorganisation of the Guilds. Two aims were kept in view ; First, their greater efficiency in industrial and commercial enter- prise, and. Secondly, their adaptation to the warlike circumstances of the times. The Council drew up a list of the six more important Corpora- tions, placing the professional '' Guild of Judges and Notaries " at the head, as in 1236. After a careful and detailed examination of all existent regulations and provisions, — the outcome of traditions and customs, — the Council drafted a tentative Constitution gene- rally suitable for the several Guilds. In each Guild were appointed three chief officers: — (i), "Ciwiw/" — as the representative of the Guild in the supreme Government of the Republic; (2), ^^Capitudol' — Head or Master, — as the controller of the internal affairs of each Guild; (3)» *' Gonfaloniere^' — Standard-bearer or Leader, — as the director of civil functions and military affairs. * Villani, vii. 13. /- 44 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE The last appointment was an absolute novelty, and it indicated an important development of the political character of the Guilds, no less than a new departure in the Government of the Republic. To each " Gonfaloniere " was committed the care of a Standard, or Banner, upon which was emblazoned armorial bearings there and then assigned to each Guild, the free use of the same being allowed to the craftsmen, who thus became bands of armed citizens, to be called to their Standards when occasion required. " These Standards, Banners, and Ensigns," says G. Villani, " were ordered to the intent that if any one of the city rose with force of armsy the members and associates of each armed Company or Band, might under their Gonfalon stand for the defence of the people and Commonwealth." ^ These Bands were called " Companies of Militia," which in the city numbered twenty and in the Contado ten to twenty. Accord- ing to the same authority, there were in the year 1338 twenty-five thousand men between the ages of sixteen and seventy capable of bearing arms. Documents * of the year 1266 prove conclusively that the policy which dictated, and brought to a successful issue, the arrangement of the Guilds in that year, was strongly opposed by the Ghibelline Podesta^ acting in sympathy with the Grandu But the popular movement was too strong for him, and he had not only to yield, but to smooth the way for an alliance with the Pope. The new constitution of the Guilds was distinctly democratic in character, and raised violent opposition from the aristocratic party in the State, who ultimately succeeded in sweeping away the Thirty-six Buonuomini^ and restoring the ascendency of the Ghibelline nobles. King Charles of Anjou, who in 1268 usurped the ofRce of Podesta, revived the Guelphic influence. He recalled the " Thirty-six," but appointed a sort of private advisory Council of twelve Grandi, To allay popular feeling against reactionary government, Charles accepted a Council of One Hundred, taken ^ VilUni, xi. 92. ° Archivio Fiorentino, Atti Pubblichi, 1259-75. GENERAL HISTORY OF THE GUILDS 45 exclusively from the Popolani^ to assist his Privy Council. At the same time the Consuls of the Seven Greater Guilds were constituted a Court of Final Appeal in all causes, political and commercial. The Popolo Minuto^ — the members of the Lesser Guilds, — were entirely ignored, and consequently a vast political and social antagonism was called into existence, which, later on, broke out in destructive revolution. Below the Popolo Minuto^ — which consisted really of only those members of the Lesser Guilds who had received the franchise, — was the great body of the population, — the Ciompiy or working classes, — ^** Wooden Shoes," as they were called derisively, with no civic rights of any kind. They were denied the privilege of free association, in Companies, Corporations, and Craft Guilds, and the conditions of labour were nearly as hard as had been those of the early inhabitants of Florence, under the system of the old Lombard lords. Times however were changing, and there was an ever rising ambition among the lowest classes to attain at all events the freedom of the franchise, and the power of trade-association, if not the right to a share in the government of the Republic. -^ Forces were slumbering which needed very little awakening, and that awakening was not far off. \ Gradually, but surely, the Lesser Guilds were rising in im- portance, not only on account of the number of their members and the social status which their increased wealth gave them, but because of the investment of money which members of the Greater Guilds effected in the various minor Crafts. What was really a levelling- up of classes was achieved in 1280, when five of the Lesser Guilds had attained such influential positions, that they were publicly acknowledged as a group apart from the other nine, and were designated Arti Mediant, "The Intermediate Guilds.'' They were in order of importance as follows : — 46 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE 1 . " BeccaiP Butchers — wholesale and retail. 2. " Calzolair Shoe-makers and leather workers. 3. " Fabbri'' Smiths and workers in metals. 4. " Maestri di Pietre e di LegnantV Master-masons of stone and wood. 5. " Rigattierir Retail-cloth and Linen-merchants. The Five Intermediate Guilds — to whose chief officers the distinction of Consul had not yet been accorded, — were often invited to join the deliberations of the Consuls of the Seven Greater Guilds on equal terms. Such occasions were April, 1285, September, 1287, July, 1293 and January, 1297.^ At the election of Priors in 1293,— among whom was Giano della Bella, — along with well known members of the families of Albizzi, Gualterotti,and Peruzzi there spoke Lapo Salterelli — a Judge, — and Dino Pecora — a butcher. These associated consultations were usually held in the Baptistery of San Giovanni, and were presided over by the Podesta and by the Capitano del Popolo. These Five Intermediate Guilds do not appear to have taken any steps for actual enrolment among the Seven Greater Guilds. The reason may possibly have been that their antecedents and associations were dissimilar. There is ever a social gulf between the leisured and professional classes and the ranks of the tradesman and the artisan. Probably however we must look a little more thoroughly into a question which presents such an unexpected aspect. Eman- cipation from a position of inferiority — social and political — and incorporation by a higher circle of prestige and influence, must have had vast attractions for the shopkeepers and superior workmen of Florence. On the other hand the danger of absolute absorption into an elaborate system of civic life, wherein the dominant powers were supreme in rank, wealth, and authority was quite apparent. The r61e of the Five Intermediate Guilds was that of holding a balance between the two political elements of the time — the ^ '* Le Consulte della Repubblica FiorentiDa," vol. i. pp. 75-97. GENERAL HISTORY OF THE GUILDS 47 aristocracy and the democracy. By joint action they were enabled to check the ambitious usurpations of the nobles and merchants and, at the same time, to restrain the revolutionary aspirations of the working classes. A very well written manuscript,^ preserved in the British Museum, entitled " // Foro Fiorentino overo degli Uffizt antict delta Citta di Firenze. Trattato di Tommaso Forli^*' has the following " List of the GuiWs" under the date 1282 :— I. Twelve Greater Guilds, 1. Giudici e Notai. 2. Kalimala. 3. Lana. 4. Cambio. 5. Seta. 6. Medici e Speziali e Merciai. 7. Vaiai e Pellicciai. 8. Beccai. 9. Calzolai. 10. Fabbri. 11. Maestri di Pietre e Legnami. 12. Rigattieri. II. Nine Lesser Guilds, 1. Vinattieri — Wine-merchants. 2. Albergatori maggiori — Greater Innkeepers. 3. Venditori del Sale — Dealers in salt. 4. Galigai grossi — Master Tanners. 5. Corazzai e Spadai — Armourers and Sword-makers. 6. Chiavaiuoli e Ferraiuoli — vecchi e novi — Lock -smiths and workers in iron old and new. 7. Sanolacciai e Coreggiai e Scudai — Harness-makers, Carriage^builders and Shield-makers. 8. Legnaiuoli grossi — Master-carpenters. 9. Fomai — Bakers. The same authority says that this order was retained until iMS.no. 28.178. B. M. 48 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE 141 5, when the Guilds were again arranged as Seven Greater and Fourteen Lesser, and so continued until 1534. In 1282, Bartolo de' Bardi, of the *' Calimala " merchants, sitting for the sestiere of Oltramo, Rosso Bacherelli, of the '' Bankers," sitting for San Piero Schera^io, and Salvi del Chiaro Girolamo, of the " Wool-merchants," sitting for San Pancrazio, were elected Priors, They held office for two months, and assumed the right of residence with the Captain of the People, in the> Badia, and ''by their lordly manner, created an aristocracy among the Traders." ^ During their tenure of office a new officer was created, with the title of " Difensore delP A rti e degli A rtefici^ e Capitan^ e Canservatore delta Pace " — " Defender of the Guilds and Crafts, and Captain and Keeper of the Public Peace." The first holder of this dignity was Bernardino della Porta — a wool-merchant of renown. Thus there were three supreme magistrates — the Podesta — or President of the Republic — a foreigner ; the Captain of the People — a noble ; and the Defender of the Guilds — a merchant To the " Defender " were attached two councils composed exclusively of members of the three Senior Guilds. The following year, through the incessant representations of their Consuls, three more Priors were added, Ghanus Detaineti for the " /4r/^ deUa Seta " ; Viezus Vecosii for the ^^ Arte di Medici e SpezicUV^ ; and Toginus Aurifex for the ^^Arte di Pellicciai e Vaiai'* At the same time the title of the " Defender of the Guilds " was changed to " Captain of the Guilds," and he took precedence of the " Captain of the People," immediately after the Podesta. The ever-growing wealth of the Merchant Guilds and the strongly aristocratic tendencies of their members awakened feelings of discontent and jealousy in the Craftsmen of the Lesser Guilds. Whilst in theory all citizens strove for the common good, in practice differences arose from time to time, and, under many pretexts, became more or less acute between the members of the several Guilds with respect to customs, processes, privileges, and monopolies. ^ '* Le Consulted' pp. 1 16-140 (Dr Hartwig). GENERAL HISTORY OF THE GUILDS 49 Merchant and artisan alike did not hesitate to break with old established methods. Questions as to price and sample, and business agreements, which had ruled industries for years, were openly disregarded. Each man sought to take advantage of his neighbour, in short a sort of inner-toll system was erected between trade and trade, and between man and man. To such a pitch did these vexations reach, that on June 30th 1290 the Priors issued a Decree which re-established the freedom of trade, and prohibited custom-dues, and compositions, of every kind within the limits of Florentine territory. Secret Inspectors were appointed to see that no craftsman, whether belonging to the Greater or to the Lesser Guilds, attempted infractions of the liberty of labour and of sale.^ On July 3rd of the same year two Decrees were passed by the Priors, which prohibited Merchant Guildsmen under heavy penalties from creating monopolies, compacts, and agreements, for spurious sales. Every sort of business procedure calculated to lead to the imposition of arbitrary prices for commodities was also strictly prohibited.^ Any merchant or trader guilty of neglect of these provisions was subject to legal proceedings and was liable to a fine of one hundred pounds. Moreover the Guild, to which such an one belonged, was mulcted in a penalty of five hundred lire for not enforcing the decrees; and the Consuls, Rectors or Priors were each fined two hundred lire. Other Decrees were passed in 1291 and 1292. In the latter year the Consuls and Heads of all the Guilds met in Conference, and added one more severe regulation to the Code of Prohibitions — namely, erasure from the Matriculation Registers of the respective Guilds, of the names of offenders convicted of fraud and falsifica- tion of every sort and kind. Appeals to the Pope, to the Emperor, or to any foreign power or prince, were severely punished ; and the Notaries who assisted ' Archivio del Stato di Firenze, Prowisione iv. p. 29. ^Prowisioni ii. c 24-25, c. 30-31, and iv. c. 175-177. 50 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE in drawing up such appeals, were punished by suspension from their offices. These measures, — Draconian almost in character, — formed efficient bulwarks against usurpations and encroachments on the part of the Merchant aristocracy upon the liberties and rights of the Artisan democracy. Liberty of industry was always a distinguishing mark in the political constitutions of the Republic In 1475 the Signoria actually passed a Law enacting that every man was free to gain his living as he liked, without reference, as to capacity, to judges of law and doctors of medicine ; and without let or hindrance from unscrupulous citizens. A conspicuous and important landmark in the liberties and trade of the Republic was fixed by the passing of the " Ordinamenti della Giustizial' which became law on January i8th, 1293. They have been called the Magna Charta of Florence. Their sponsor, if not actually their author, was the famous Giano della Bella, who, although belonging to the noble house of Pazzi espoused the popular side. This famous Edict, which contained twenty-four paragraphs or provisions, was promulgated for the protection of the people against the increasing usurpations of the nobles. The three principal provisions were : — 1. The exclusion of the Grandi from the Government. 2. The punishment of the Grandi for offences against the Popolanu 3. The extension of the powers of the Craft-Guilds. Up to this period the office of Prior had been always open to any Grande who was a member of a Guild. This privilege was henceforth to be enjoyed only after the noble had renounced his rank with the public approval of the Council of State. Among the penalties was sentence of death upon any noble who^ either by his own hand or by that of a paid agent, took the life of one of the people. His property was also ordered to be confiscated, and his house razed to the ground,^ > P. E. Giudici, *< Storia dei Comuni luliani," Bk. vi. GENERAL HISTORY OF THE GUILDS 51 The ^^Ordinil' — as they were also called, — confirmed the number and order of the Guilds ; and, at the same time, enacted that every member and apprentice should be required, upon entry, to take a solemn oath, for the maintenance of peace and concord. The promotion of trading companies alien to the Constitutions of the Guilds, and agreements and contracts, unsanctioned by recognised commercial law and custom, were made capital offences. Any Guild entering upon such transactions, or condoning them, was declared liable to a fine of one thousand lire^ and its Consuls, five hundred each. The passing of the " Ordini'' of course roused aogry and powerful opposition on the part of the nobles and aristocratic merchants. Their resentment was in a sense shared by many of the craftsmen and shopkeepers, who depended upon the patronage of the richer citizens. By the end of the thirteenth century a vast number of trade customs and business usages had become fixed, which, whilst in some measure safe-guarding the interests of the Guilds, led to more or less confusion and uncertainty in commercial matters. In 1300 a revision of these Statutes, Regulations and Bye-laws was determined upon by the Heads of the Guilds in consultation with the Chief Magistrates. On April 4th a ^ Commission of Seven Merchants" was appointed with power to choose other seven members, Neri Berri being named President, and hence the Commission is known by his name. The fourteen Commissioners were secluded in the monastery of the Servite Brothers for many days; food, stationery and thirty-two lire being allowed to each Commissioner.^ Their deliberations were attended with unanimity, and they embodied their resolutions in the form of Statutes which, in 1301, received the approval of the Consuls of the Guilds and of the Chief Magistrates of the Republic. They were entitled " The Statutes of the University of Commerce of Florence." ^ Prowiaone x. ai6-a26. 52 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE The Statutes were made generally applicable for all the Guilds, and the embodiment of them» in the form of a charter of incorpora- tion, provided each Guild, whether of merchants or craftsmen, with the main part of its corporative constitution. The '' Calimala " Guild, as being the leading trade organisation of the city, led the way by adopting the new Code. The signatures ^ attached to the report of these deliberations are interesting as showing not only the order of precedence at that date of the Seven Greater Guilds but also the various d^rees and styles of the signatories. The names of " Judges and Notaries " come first, they are six— one for each sesHere, and of these three are judges, styled **Dominus ," and three are notaries — one being styled ** Dominus,*' and the other two simply Ser or Messere. Next in order come the signatures of the four Consuls of the " Guild of Doctors and Apothecaries ; " two are styled " Magister medicus " — the others have no title. Then follow the names of the three Consuls of the " Guild of Bankers and Money-changers," they have no titles, but one is distinguished as '* Piero Boi^i who has his ofRce in the old market," and so forth. Four Consuls of the '' Merchants of Calimala " come next, without any distinguishing titles ; and they are followed by the six Consuls of the " Guild of Wool," also untitled, except the first, who is styled " Ser Notarius'* — a lawyer wool-stapler ! The " Por San Maria Merchants " are represented by four Consuls — three untitled and the fourth is styled ^Dominus " ; and last come the four Consuls of " the Skinners," each of which has the name of his special constituency added : i. ""de populo Sancti Stephani a PonUl' 2. ""de populo Sancte Cicilie;' 3. '' de populo SancU Marie Ughi^' and 4. " de populo Sancte Liberale.'' The financial position of the several Guilds at the beginning of the fourteenth century may be understood by their proportionate co-relation in the payment of taxes levied by the State. On October 1321 the Guilds were mulcted in the following amounts : — ^ ** Lc Consttlte/' ¥oL i. p. 27. I 20CX) gold florins. 400 »f 330 M 32s » 320 t> 100 fi 100 n 80 9f n 80 it SO »» 38 >» GENERAL HISTORY OF THE GUILDS 53 The Guild of Wool The Guild of Silk The Guild of Doctors and Apothecaries The Guild of Butchers . The *'Ca/imala" Guild. The Guild of Judges and Notaries The Guild of Bankers . The Guild of Masters of Stone and Wood The Guild of Locksmiths and Workers in Iron The Guild of Carpenters The Guild o^ Flax The Guild of Skinners and Furriers only 200 Ure^ whilst the smallest contribution was that of the " Society of Cross-bow Makers"— eight Ure/ The Duke of Athens began his term of office as Podesta in 1342, by yielding to the solicitations of the nobles and more prominent merchants, but, when he saw that his overtures met with distrust, and that a movement was being made to curtail his authority, he looked about him for some other source of support.^ By way of currying favour with the lower people, at the head of the Priors, whom he nominated, he placed a butcher, and with him three merchants and three artisans. This course met with violent opposition, but the Duke persevered in his democratic policy. His own position was largely due to the favour of the populace, and consequently he was bound to make some returns. Of the inferior classes he always spoke as " Le bene Popolo " — ^** The good people." — Among smaller, but quite significant, measures, he permitted the "Association of Wool-Carders,"— subordinate hitherto entirely to the Guild of the Wool-merchants, — to have and to display a banner of their own, bearing upon it a Lamb. To the " Association of Wool-Dyers," — who represented that they were oppressed by the two great Guilds of " Caliniala " and " Wool," he I Villani, xii. 8. 54 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE conceded the privilege of being ruled by Capitudini of their own free choice. For the benefit of the lowest orders of the population the Duke formed six -firr^^i/^ or Societies— one for each sestiere^ with the style of*' La Potenea " or Local Authority. The duties of these Societies, which were comprised of the more prominent men or leaders of the lower classes, in each quarter, were to elevate the tastes and pursuits of the people, and to encourage them to emulate the fashions of the better-to-do citizens.^ These measures proved to be encouragements and incentives to the people to seek, by fair means or by foul, a general better- ment of their social and political condition. The way was thus made clear for the terrible "Rising of the CiompV in 1378, which registered the high-water mark of democratic ascendency. Several causes contributed to the accomplishment of this coup ditat Jealousies and feuds between the nobles and the aristocratic merchants of the Greater Guilds were incentives to imitation on the part of the operatives. The Parte Guelfa through its immense wealth and power had become an instrument of op- pression. The promise of liberty and equality made by the dis- comfiture of the Ghibellines was not redeemed. Elspionage and tyranny were rife. Every man's hand seemed raised to oppress those beneath him in position or in wealth. Such were the embers of a smouldering fire, which only needed the torch of revolution to kindle into a portentous conflagration. Piero degli Albizzi in 1370 made no secret of the intention of his family to convert the Republic into an Oligarchy. The Ricci, the Strozzi, and other influential families sided with the Albizzi. The Popolo Minuto saw the danger which threatened the liberty of the tradespeople and artisans, but in Salvestro de' Medici, — whose family ranked among the first of the Popolo Grasso^ — the popular cause found a true champion. Salvestro was appointed to the office of Gonfaloniere di Giustizia ^ Marchionne di Coppo Stefani, " Delizie degli Eruditi Toscani," viii. 566. GENERAL HISTORY OF THE GUILDS 55 in 1370, and he at once summoned an assembly of the people in the Palazzo Vecchio. An immense throng filled, not only the Palace, but the Piazza della Signoria. Upon Salvestro's threat to retire from office, under the opposition of the oligarchical party, dire confusion arose, and, at the height of the excitement, Benedetto d^li Alberti looked out of a window and shouted : — " Viva il Popolol'' This was the spark which fell upon inflammable material. The cry was re-echoed through the city. Shops were closed and the whole of the populace was under arms. The Parte Guelfa also armed, but did not dare to provoke an encounter with the masses, who surged up from every quarter of the city. The Consuls of the Greater Guilds intervened, but to no effect, and the armed Companies of the Guilds under their banners marched into the Piazza. The^'CiV^mr/i'' supposed these Bands were arrayed against them, and at once the spark blazed into flame, which devoured the palaces of the Albizzi, Pazzi, Strozzi, Soderini, Castiglionchi, Caviccioli, Buondelmonti, Serragli and of other noble families. Fire was put to the Residences of the Consuls of the Guilds, and some of them were wholly destroyed, whilst the archives, documents, and the rolls of matriculation, of many of the Guilds were ruthlessly consumed. A reign of terror followed, and the city was given over to pillage and outrage. At length an attack was made upon the Supreme Magistracy sitting at the Palazzo Vecchio. The magistrates fled, and the mob, headed by a wool-comber called Michele Lando, bearing the Gonfalon of Justice, which had been seized at the Ofiice of the Gonfaloniere^ rushed into the Council Chamber. Lando turned about, and facing his followers, cried out, " See the Palace is yours, and the city is wholly in your hands. What will you do now ? " "Make you Gonfaloniere di Giustizia!'' was the tumultuous reply. A new Government was installed on July 23rd, consisting of nine Priors, — three from the Seven Greater Guilds, three from the 56 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE Fourteen Lesser Guilds, — and three from three new Guilds of Opera- tives,— the latter being enrolled in response to the demand of the victorious democracy. Lando was confirmed in the office of Gonfalaniere di Giustizia^ "who," as writes Dino Compagni, "in courage, prudence, and goodness surpasssed any citizen of that time, and deserved to be remembered among the few who have done good to their country." The other demands of the " Ciampi'' were agreed to, namely : — I. The reduction of the taxes, 2. The increase of State interest upon workmen's savings, 3. The rescinding of laws against small debtors, 4. The recall of exiled workpeople, and 5. The ex- tension of the municipal franchise. The three new Guilds, with the assistance of the " Nine of Commerce " and the " Ten of Liberty," were established under rules and regulations similar to the Statutes of the Greater Guilds. The first of these Subordinate Guilds was made up of nine or ten thousand Wool-washers, Wool-sorters, Wool-beaters, Wool- combers, and Wool-carders, who had hitherto been attached to the Great Wool Guild. To this Corporation was granted a banner bearing a figure of the Angel of Judgment with a sword and a cross. The Second Guild was composed of Dyers, Fullers, Carding- comb-makers and Loom-makers, and Weavers of wool, silk and flax : their banner displayed a white arm upon a vermilion field, the hand holding a sword upon which was inscribed " Giustizia" — "Justice." The Third Guild united together Sheep-shearers, Butchers, Menders of skins, Hosiers, Knitters, Tailors, Makers of doublets, of banners, of church ornaments, of sandals, etc. etc Their banner bore the Divine Arm with a red sleeve, thrust out of a cloud and holding a branch of olive. The latter two Guilds numbered only some four thousand members between them, hence the first of the three held a position of greater importance ; and, by reason of its members belonging WORKMEN LATE FOUKTKENTH CENTURY WORKMEN MIDDLE FIFTEENTH CENTURY GENERAL HISTORY OF THE GUILDS 57 to one industry alone, — that of wool, — it presented a much more homogeneous appearance than did the other two Corporations.^ There is much uncertainty as to the manner in which the Statutes of 1301 were adapted to the peculiar conditions of the new Corporations. Nevertheless there are entries in the Records of the six sestteri^ and in those of the Councils of the Capitudini or Priors of the Three new Guilds, which show that their officers ranked as equals with those of the other Guilds in the tenure of public office. For example : — in Santo Spirito are named Giovanni dei Capponi, Woollen-manufacturer of the "Guild of Wool- merchants," and Leoncino de Francino, Carder, of the " Guild of Wool-workers"; in San Giovanni — Giovanni di Bartolo, Spicer and Apothecary of the '* Guild of Doctors and Apothecaries," and Benedetto da Carlova, Sandal-maker of the '* Guild of Workmen and Artificers.^ The Incorporation of these three Guilds gave much satisfaction to the humbler and rougher citizens. The labouring class, though viewing with natural envy the pleasanter lot of their richer fellow- citizens, were really animated with the grand old Florentine spirit. This natural leverage, which was a constant force for the amelioration and advancement of every class, was based upon the universal sense and appreciation of high ideals. Prospects of contentment, however, were speedily dimmed, and the newly enfranchised craftsmen became once more restive. They b^an to assume the manners, and even the dress of the richer citizens, and to cultivate a taste for the exercise of arms. The old spirit of insubordination was not dead, and men re- fused to work under the existent conditions of labour. Giostre, or Tournaments, and feasting in the Markets, had fascinations which were undeniable. Workshops were closed, and the streets were filled with idlers and merry-makers. Disorder and rioting soon became the order of the day. The axiom, " if a man wishes to eat he must work," was ignored, and famine stared the city in the face. ^ M.S. Strozad, Diariod' AnoDiino» p. 517. ' Marchionne di Coppo Ste&ni, <* Delizie degli Eniditi Toscani," x. 797. 58 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE The Three new Guilds made a further demand that a sUUo — bushel — of corn should be given free to every man who asked for help. They also proposed a division of public money. The whole of the *' Ciompi'' assembled in the Piazza Santa Maria Novella and prepared to ui^e these demands by force of arms. Michele Lando again proved his grit. He set the great bell tolling, and, when the militia companies of the Guilds had assembled, he led them in person against his former associates, crying : — ^** Long live the Trade Guilds and the People ! " The un- disciplined mob gave way, and the wool-comber Ganfaloniere yielded up his ganfcUan^ a pledge that peace was assured. This was the end of the '' CiampV^ Rising. The predominance, nevertheless, of the democratic power was of short duration, for the year 1382 was marked by the strenuous exertions of the nobles and aristocratic merchants to reduce the ascendency of the Popolo Minuto. Reforms were introduced into the election of dignitaries: — the office of Gonfaianiere di Giustizia was again limited to members of the seven Greater Guilds, that of Prior was shared equally by the seven and by the fourteen Lesser Guilds. The Three new Guilds were suppressed, and the number of recognised Guilds was reduced to the original Twenty-one.^ In 1387 a concession was however made to the claims of the operative members of the community, whereby two new Priors were appointed to represent particularly the working population. Thus the eight Priors, who formed the new Signoria^ stood by twos for each of the four quarters of the city ; and this arrange- ment was confirmed by the Council of State in 1393.' The subject of the Precedence of the Guilds, and their several degrees of honour on the Roll of the Guilds, is one which can never be satisfactorily explained. Some of the Guilds which appear low down in the scale were composed of men of the highest distinction, for instance, the great architects and sculptors of the * A. von Reamont, "Tavole Cronologiche." ' L. Cantini, " Legislazionei" yol. i. p. 29. GENERAL HISTORY OF THE GUILDS 59 Renaissance belonged to the Lesser Guild of '* Masters of Stone and Wood!" Again, why should the "Butchers" be thirteen degrees higher than the "Bakers"? Probably in old Florence herself this inconsequent arrangement could not have been made clear. After all it was not so much a comparative table of industries as a relative scale of operators which fixed each trade and its agents in a conventional position upon the tablets of Florentine Society. Below the fourteen Lesser Guilds were, from time to time, groups of workpeople, who enrolled themselves in trade associa- tions, which were never recognised as Guilds in the generally accepted meaning of the term. Under date 1285 there is a paragraph in a Codex : Manoscritti varii^ referring to the Arte de' Fremd^ — the " Guild of Bridle and Bit-makers," — and the payment made to the Guild on behalf of some land between the Porta Balli and the Porta Via Nuova. The Records^ of 1309-13 16 name many such associations under the general term Arte, Guild : — ^' BottariaV — Coopers, ^' Arcariai** — Bow and Arrow-makers, "^ MadiariaV^ — Trough-makers, " ^erchiariai " — Basket-makers, " Baldrigariai panni " — Cloth- remnants and cuttings-dealers, ^^ RitagliaV* — Retailers of Sundries, *" FerravecckiaV' — Scrap-iron dealers, "^ PoUaiuolV — Poulterers, and " Jfa/^rtffjtfi *'— Mattress-stuffers. The Archives have a curious entry under date February 6th, 1 321, in the shape of a list of Guilds which had paid their propor- tion of the Gabella, or war loan, levied the previous year. The loan in question amounted to the sum of 300,000 gold florins, — ^iSo»ooo, — and was undertaken not only by the whole of the Merchant and Craft Guilds of the time, but also with the co- operation of the all-powerful Parte Guelfa. The number of Guilds or Corporations scheduled rises to forty-faurX They include " /^£?f7Ms«iirrai,"— Ironfounders, — ninety- two lire, "/>a£Aw«^/,;»_Dice-makers,— two and two-thirds gold florins, and "/'r/x/a/e^rr ^^»^^/,"_Horse.jobbers,— sixty-seven lire. ' Archivio del Stato di Firenze, 245. 60 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE In 1327, among the Corporations which are scheduled as con- tributories to the year's public taxes, the following additional VARIOUS CRAFTS IN OPERATION — THE BUSTLE OF CITY LIFE. " Guilds " are named : — " Vaginariai" — Scabbard-makers, ** Maestri (T Abace e Gramatici** — Rope and Hemp-merchants, ^^CuodaV— Cooks, and ^^ Fabbricanti deW Utensili di Cucina'' — Makers of GENERAL HISTORY OF THE GUILDS 61 cooking-utensils. " Sarti** — Tailors, and " Cunatori " — Cradle and chest-makers, are named in 1378 as separate associations, and so are "Barh'eri'* — Barbers and Hairdressers, *^ Ricamatori" — Em- broiderers, and " Tessitori di DrappV' — Stuflf-weavers. These five associations are also grouped tc^ether as a distinct Arte or Guild. The why or wherefore of this alliance it is impossible to state. Again reference is made frequently to ConciaUlli — House-tilers, ** Conciatori di Forrtace** — Glass-blowers, *^ Rivenditori** — Old- clothes Dealers, ** Inctsori in Rame** — Engravers in brass, " Vemi-^ catori'* — Vamishers, ^* Velettai"* — Canvas-makers, ^^ CereriaV — Wax-moulders, '^Tintori" — Dyers, and ^^ Cardatori'* — Wool-carders. These groups of workpeople, however, were generally subordinated, to one or other of the Greater Guilds, and to the more important of the Lesser Guilds. Throughout the fifteenth century the number and precedence of the Guilds remained unaltered. In 141 5, the order was as follows : — I. Le Arti Maggiori — ^the Greater Guilds (7) : — 1. U Arte dei Giudici e Notai—]\idge& and Notaries. 2. U Arte di Calimala — Merchants of Foreign Cloth. 3. V Arte delta Lana — Woollen-manufacturers. 4. U Arte d^ Cambiatori — Bankers and Money-changers. 5. L Arte delta Seta — Silk-manufacturers. 6. U Arted^ Medici e SpezicUi — Doctors and Apothecaries. 7. L Arte d^ Pellicciai e Vaiai — Skinners and Furriers. W, Le Arti JUinori'—ihe Lesser Guilds (14) : — 1. V Arte d^ Beccai — Cattle-dealers and Butchers. 2. U Arte d^ /^a**n— Blacksmiths. 3. L Arte de' Calzolai — Shoemakers. 4. U Arte de' Maestri di Pietre e di Legnami — Master Stone-masons and Wood-carvers. 5. V Arte di Rigattieri e di Linaiuoli — Retail-Dealers and Linen Merchants. 6. V Artedi Vinattieri—Wine-mtrchztiXs. 62 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE 7. V Arte degli Albergatori — Inn-keepers. 8. V Arte di Gcdigai — ^Tanners. 9. L Arte degli Oliandoli — Oil-merchants. 10. V Arte d^ Coreggtai — Saddlers. 11. V Arte d^ Chiavaiuoli — Locksmiths. 12. V Arte d^ Corazzai — Armourers. 13. V Arte d£ Legnaiuoli — Carpenters. 14. D Arte de* Fomai — Bakers. An attempt was made in 1426 by the aristocratic party in the State to reduce the number of the fourteen Lesser Guilds to seven. The leaders in this movement were the Albizzi, — ever opponents of the popular cause, — under the leadership of Niccolo da Uzzano ; but they were thwarted in their endeavours by the chivalrous opposition of members of the rising Medici family, who consistently posed as the friends of the people. Early in the fifteenth century,— in view of the increased import- ance of the operative classes and the improved conditions of labour and wages, — two new Arti^ or Guilds, were enrolled, though not formally incorporated. One of these,— called VArte di Merdtd^ "Guild of Haberdashers," — was an association of small shop-keepers and traders; the other, — U Arte d^ Lavori^ — comprised the inferior class of operatives and unskilled labourers. The Guild system had by the year 1530 reached the zenith of its magnificence and power, but then new economic forces came into action, which led to the decadence of much that was characteristic of the Florentine industry and commerce. These forces had perhaps little effect upon the Greater Guilds, but in the Lesser Guilds and among their members they were productive of many reforms and rearrangements. A final grouping of the Lesser Guilds was efiected in 1534. By a Prowisione dated July 17 of that year, the " Fourteen Lesser Guilds " were divided into four Universities. Each University was ruled by one Consul, one Chancellor, two Proweditari^ three Treasurers, three Syndics or Inspectors, and four Donzelle-^ GENERAL HISTORY OF THE GUILDS 63 Sergeants or Porters — ^as the word came to mean. The Consuls were chosen from each associated Guild or Corporation, in turn, and served for six months.^ In the First University were placed : — ^^ BeccaV — Butchers and Cattle-dealers, " OliandolV^ — Oil and General Provision Merchants, and ^^Fomai*' — Millers and Bakers; with the common title of 'TUniverstta di For San /^iVn?"— "University of Saint Peter's Gate " — so called from the locality of greatest activity. In the Second were: — ** CahsolaV — Shoemakers, '^ Galigai'* — Tanners, and ^^ CoreggiaV^ — Saddlers; under the style of '^LUni- versita de^ Maestri di Cuoiame*' — "University of Master-workers in Leather." The Third included:— "/^a**ri"— Blacksmiths. '' ChiavaiuolV — Locksmiths, *^ Maestri di Fietre e di Legnami'' — Master Builders, " Corazzai € Spadai " — Armourers and Sword-makers, and *^ LegnaiuolV^ — Carpenters; and they collectively bore the designation of ''VUniversita de' Fabbricanti*' — "University of Artisans." With this third University were incorporated the trade associa- tions of " Incessori in RanUy* Copper-plate workers, " OttanaV^ — Copper-smiths, " Calderai " — Braziers, " Ferraiuoli " — Edge-tool makers, ^^ Ferravecchiai*^ — Scrap-iron dealers, and ^^ Stagnaiuoli*^ — Makers of pewter. In fact all workers in metal, wood, and stone were allied in one University. The privilege of matriculation into the ^ Arte e Unvuersita de* Fabbricanti*^ was extended, soon after the incorporation of the Guild, to residents in the City and district of Pistoja and other districts. Members living more than three miles beyond the Contado of Florence proper were required to pay fourteen piccioli^ every six months, for the privilege of membership, whilst city workmen paid fiv^piccioli? The Fourth University united five dissimilar corporations: — '^ Rigattieri*' — Retail cloth-dealers, " Vinattieri" — Wine-merchants, ^ AlbergatoriV — Inn-keepers, '' Linaiuoli''—V4or\i^rs in flax, and ^ Benedetto Varchi, " Storia Fiorentina," 1721. 3 L. Cantini, *' Legislaztone," iv. 247. MODES OF TRANSIT, COUNTRY PURSUITS, ETC. GENERAL HISTORY OF THE GUILDS 65 **Sarti" — Tailors; their title was *'L' [/niversifa d^ LinaiuoW — •* University of Linen Drapers." This system of amalgamation was necessary for various reasons. First and foremost, the shrinkage in Florentine industries through foreign competition ; secondly, changing fashions and customs, and the invention of fresh trades; thirdly, absorption of the richer members of the Craft Guilds into the more aristocratic society of the nobles and merchants. The fifteenth century closed upon a Florence so prosperous, beautiful and salubrious that she was without a rival in Europe. The shutting of manufactories and shops, which was remarkable in the sixteenth century, did not however prove decadence in wealth and influence, but simply that fewer men found it needful to engage in humble callings. The ranks of the monied and leisured classes were being steadily fed by new made men ; whilst at the other end of the social ladder there was a marked decrease in poverty apd mendicancy. In fact by the middle of the sixteenth century — the limit of this volume — Florence presented the rare spectacle of a State whose citizens were either all wealthy, or, at least, comfortably off. Not till then did the spirit of leisured ease begin to enervate the mental and physical vigour of her enterprising people. The old Florentine proverb, which ran as follows : — " Chi vuol che il mento balli cdU mani faccia i ccUli" — ^" Who wants his mind active must make his hands hard," had proved its truth ! Some idea must now be given of the general conditions of Guild-membership. Every man and boy, turned sixteen years of age, was obliged to become a member of a Guild or Trade Corporation. Any one who failed in this respect was dubbed " Scioperato "— " Loafer," and had no voice in the cit)r's ^flairs. He was a bye-word and a mocking to every passer-by, and was treated to more kicks than denari, and, not uncommonly, was taken up and lodged in a dungeon, or his feet placed in the stocks, as being a useless in- £ 66 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE cumbrance and a disgrace to the city. Moreover, his family lost caste in whatever circle it was, and had even to pay a penalty for possessing such a good-for-nothing fellow 1 On the other hand, the strenuous life of good Florentines in the prosecution of their many industries is very strikingly ex- emplified in a will of the year 1395.^ A certain Lapaccino del Toso de' Lapaccini, who died during that year, left an instruction that a penalty of one thousand gold florins should be paid by each and all of his sons who, between the ages of sixteen and thirty-five, should spend a whole year without working at some trade or undertaking some commercial enterprise. To enter a Guild five conditions had to be fulfilled : — 1. To be a native bom Florentine. 2. To have two sponsors for family and personal character. 3. Never to have been before magistrates for any misdemeanour. 4. To be possessed of a property qualification—- either his own or accruing at the death of his father. 5. To pay a tax of silver to the State by way of caution- money. 6. To pay an Entrance-fee to the particular Guild. The silver tax varied, — it was fixed from time to time by the Signoria^ — and was looked upon as a poll-tax or capitation-fee. The payment of this tax conferred immediate political rights upon the payee. The Entrance-fee, — generally a fairly good round sum, — varied according to the circumstances of the individual or his family. Its payment entitled the payee to full membership in his Guild. A considerable difference was made in the amount of each of these payments as Members of the Merchant Guilds^ or as members of the Craft Guilds. The members of the former were of two classes : — (1) Maestri— TA^sttrs or full members— and (2) Dis- «>«/«— Probationers or apprentices. In Latin manuscripts, and early printed books of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, " dis- ^ L'Osservatore Fiorentino, Vol. iv. p. 193. D. M. Manni, Osservazione e Giante Istoriche sopra i, etc, Sigilli, Tom. zi. p. 106. GENERAL HISTORY OF THE GUILDS 67 cipulo " is used in a general sense. The members of the latter, — the Craft Guilds, — ^were of three classes:— (i) Maestri — Masters, (2) Lavoranti — Workmen, and (3) (^/trsr^TWi— Apprentices. The Tirocinia — or Apprenticeship— was for five to seven years, but sons of Masters were entitled to easier and shorter terms — generally four or five years. At the end of his time the apprentice was still bound to work for his master for three years with a small annual recompense. At the end of that period the workman was entitled to call himself Capo lavoro — Master-workman. The sons of Masters were also permitted to serve a workman's probation of two years only ; they also paid reduced taxes and lower fees. In his tenth year each individual paid his Master's Recognition fee, or Buona Entrata, and became a full-blown Master of his Craft^ A few extracts from the records of Apprenticeships will be interesting as showing the variety of employments and the details of mutual arrangement between master and apprentice at certain dates : — 1272. A father, from i£ma, binds his boy to a Tanner for eight years. The lad to receive '' clothes and board as befits a merchant and artisan of that trade." 1274. A man binds his son for two years as cUscipulo to a Retail cloth-dealer to learn the trade — the father paying down three lire. 1 291. A man *'of the parish of San Giovanni di Chuota, in the country of Count Guido Novell!, gives his son, as discipulo for three years, to Messere Cambizzino , a Shoemaker, of Uberti in the parish of Santa Felicia in Piazza. The master to give yearly a tunic, a vest, hose, and a pair of good shoes." 1 293. Another binds his nephew for one year to his master — an Inn- keeper— the latter to give the apprentice " wine and food and bed all of good kind and worthy of the trade." * Dr G. Albert!, '* Le Corporanzione d'Arti e di Mestiere." 68 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE 1295. A young man "from Castelnuovo is apprenticed as disdpulo to a Locksmith for one year, the master being bound to pay him forty soldV* 1300. A man '< binds his orphan brother for five and a half years to Ricchio Bonsignori and Venturi Ammanti, Merchants- dwelling in a house upon the new bridge of Rubaconte. The disdpulo to receive food and clothing, — good and decent, — ^as well as shoes ; and to be cared for, whether well or ill, up to anything less than a month." 1306. A certain man from San Savino in Monte Carelli engages himself as disdpulo to a Baker, of the parish of S. Pancrazio, for seven years — to receive clothing and board and lodg> ing," and so on.^ That women were not disqualified by their sex from enjoying the rights of membership in the Guilds is proved by many entries in the articles of matriculation and the records of association. For example in 1294, in the Council of Capitudini, Donna Santa, wife of Palmerio of the popolo of San Ambrogio, who wished to be admitted as a worker into the ^^Arte e Unvverdta Zonarioruml^ — ^** the Company of Belt and Girdle-makers," — states that she has paid, to the Treasurer of the Guild, three pounds, by way of Entrance-fee. Thereupon, by the approval of the Council, she swears to observe all the statutes and regulations of the Guild ; and Messere Lapo Benci, the Rector, admits her to full membership. A witness's signature is appended to the instrument of enrolment, — ^ Corsus GuellUme, — Rector artis Coregiariorum^^ — Rector of the " Guild of Strap-makers." In the earliest records of the Trades we find the style of "Consul" borne by the Heads of each Craft — the title also accorded to the rulers of the Commune. This led to considerable confusion, for example, in the negotiations entered into with the people of the Commune of Pogna, in 1184, for the protection of the latter, the " Consuls of Florence " attach their signatures above those of the " Consuls of the Trades." ^ Davidssohn, " Forschungen zur Alteren Geschichte von Florens." AN APPRENTICE: A TYPICAL FLORENTINE YOUTH " DAVID,"— VERROCCHIO GENERAL HISTORY OF THE GUILDS 69 A document ^ of 1 193 contains an account of the Convention between the Commune of Florence and the Lords of the Castle of Trebbio, in which the confusion of titles is overcome by the use of the designation **Rettore'' — Rector, for the Heads of the Trades. Again another change was effected in the style ofiht^^ Rettore'* in 1204, when ** Priore** — Prior — was adopted; but this was very shortly dropped, because it also clashed with the designation of the three Priors of the Three Great Guilds. "Consul" was again used as the title of the Heads of the Guilds, when that style ceased to be borne' by the Head of the State.* No citizen might serve the office of Consul unless he was in the active exercise of his calling, and resided at his shop or place of business. All who were elected were required to be natives of Florenoe,except in the Guilds of "Judges and Notaries" and "Masters of Stone and Wood " — ^both of which were open to foreigners. Every citizen appointed to the supreme office of the Guild was compelled to serve his term or submit to the payment of a fine of one hundred gold florins.^ Divided counsels, as might have been expected, constantly broke the unanimity of the Council of Consuls of all the Guilds. Something of the sort occurred with respect to the peace negotia- tions instituted, in 1280, by the Cardinal Latino dei Frangipani acting as Papal Legate.^ These were attempts at a reconciliation of the adherents of the two great parties in the State, — the Guelphs and the Ghibellines, — for the repatriation of the latter. Among the commissioners were Lapo del Prato, Orlando Baldovini, and Cervo del Foro, re- presenting respectively the Intermediate Guilds of Butchers, Black- smiths, and Shoemakers. They, along with the Consuls of the Judges and Notaries, the Silk Merchants, and the Doctors and * Arcfaivio delle Rifonnagione, Bk. xxvi. ' L. Cantini, " Legislazione," vol. i. ' Statute Popali et Commanis Florentiae, collected 14 15. Friburg, 1782, vol. ii. p. IS9. Rob. i, ii., iii., iv. * Marchionne di Coppo Stefani, " Delixie degli Eruditi Toscani," vol. iz. 96. 70 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE Apothecaries, promised, in the names of their Guilds, to do all in their power to carry out the conditions proposed, and vigorously to oppose all attempts to set the peace settlement at nought. The names of the Consuls of Calimala, Wool Merchants, Bankers and Money-changers, Skinners and Furriers, and Retail Cloth Dealers were not appended to the document Hence we may conclude that they were not favourable to the Cardinal's terms. Anyhow the Settlement came to nothing, and the Parte Guelfa waxed still stronger. The constant and erratic changes which took place in the standing and powers of the Guilds and of their Consuls, are nowhere better set forth than in a Codex of the thirteenth century.^ In the list of Consuls from October 1295 to May 1296 two were appointed to sit in the General Council of the Guilds by each of the Twelve Greater Guilds, except that of the " Judges and Notaries,'' whose representatives had the prescriptive right of presiding at the meetings without special election. The same Codex goes on to state that the number of Consuls elected for the above, and other purposes, was variable and disproportionate, for example : " Calimala " had only three ; " Bankers " — four to six ; " Wool " and " Shoemakers " — five to six ; "Silk," "Doctors," and « Butchers "—four ; " Smiths "—three to five ; " Retail-dealers " — two to seven, " Furriers "—one to six and ''Masters of Stone and Wood" — three. Doubtless these variations were caused by the nature of the business which engaged the attention of the General Council, or by special trade circumstances. From time to time disputes and jealousies arose about the election of Consuls of the various Guilds, and caused heart-burnings and even feuds among the members of the several Corporations. Many efforts were made by the Priors to put an end to these quarrels. In 1329 they summoned a general representative Council to consult as to the best measures to adopt in face of the universal dissatisfaction with the current state of affairs. ^ Archivio delle Tratti Fioientini, Codex LIX. GENERAL HISTORY OF THE GUILDS 71 From each duly-constituted Guild they chose two members with the Gonfaloniere of each. The result of their deliberations was that no man should be elected to the office of Consul, in any Guild, who failed to receive at least fifty votes of fully qualified members. The candidates elected were authorised to hold office for four months. The voters' list for each Guild in the election of Consuls was enclosed in a small box, the keys of which were held by the Consuls for the time being. All these boxes were packed into a large chest of which only the Captain of the People, the Priors of the Guilds, and the Standard-bearer of Justice had keys. Such precautions were numerous, and were necessary to preserve in- tact the good faith and just practice of the members, and the Constitution of each Guild. Disputes between the Guilds, — whether in their corporate capacity or in relation to individual members, — which could not be arranged in the courts of the Consuls, nor terminated by the Consuls of all the Guilds in united session, were referred, first of all to the ' Tribunal of the Mercanzia,' and finally laid before the PodestUy the Captain of the People, and the Defender of the Guilds, as a Supreme Court of Appeal. The ruling of these three dignitaries was accepted as decisive. Once every year, in January, each of the Guilds appointed a Syndic to' assist the Consuls in carrying out their injunctions. They were required to swear before the Captain of the People, in the presence of the two Councils and the Heads of the Greater Guilds, to render true and laudable service to the State, and to cause the members of their Craft to observe just obedience to Magistrates. They were required to examine the credentials of all companies, leagues, conventions, undertakings, obligations, and contracts, which they found existing among the people. All such as were contrary to, or deviated from, the strict letter of their Constitutions were annulled and forbidden. They were abo required to enter, in the Registries of their Crafts and Districts, the names and dates of baptism of all men 72 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE from eighteen to seventy years of age, with their trades or occupa- tions, and habitations ; and to add notes as to health, character, ability and diligence. The Companies of families, or traders, numbered usually many persons ; for example, in the State Archives, there is a notice dated October 28, 1304, of a declaration of bank- ruptcy, before the Court of the Podesta^ of the Ranieri Ardinghelli Society, or Company, with eighteen partners, — fourteen of the latter family and five of the former, — merchants of the ** Calimala^ The total liabilities were one hundred and twenty-three thousand lire} The emigration of skilled artisans and artificers was strictly forbidden by several ProTwisioni issued at various times. The classes of workmen mostly indicated were of the '' Calimala " Guild, — finishers of foreign cloth, of the " Wool Guild," — dyers and fullers, of the "Silk Guild," — weavers of gold and silver cloth. With intense earnestness and constant watchfulness the merchants and manufacturers strove to retain to Florence the production of all merchandise, in the manipulation of which the Florentine workers excelled other workpeople. In nothing was the keen spirit of monopoly more conspicuously exhibited.' Offences of every sort and kind, whether against the Guild Statutes, or against individual Guilds, were heavily punished, as were those committed s^ainst persons not members of the Guild in'question. In the " Council of the Hundred " a petition was pre- sented in 1292, by the Priors of the '* Calimala^* Merchants praying that felonies, or other misdemeanours, committed by members of Guilds, should be punishable only through the Courts of the Consuls of each Guild. The petitioners undertook: — (i) to be answerable for such persons on pain of fine for breach of promise and (2), to subject delinquents to expulsion from their Guilds, and to prohibition from engaging in the several industries connected therewith. ^ Archivio del Stato di Firenie, 65 f., 146. ' L. Cantini, " Legislazione," viii. p. 225. GENERAL HISTORY OF THE GUILDS 73 Among a number of prohibitions set forth by the Signoria and put in operation by the Consuls of the Guilds were the following : — 1. No animal suffering from disease shall be allowed to drink at the public fountains. 2. Swallows shall not be interfered with, and frogs shall not be carried through the city. 3. No one shall be allowed to spin tops in the streets, and boys shall be whipped for throwing stones at fish in the river. The hours of work of course varied from time to time, and were different in the several industries. From dawn to dusk was, as elsewhere, the rule, with breaks for food and rest There were not more than two hundred and seventy-five working days in the year,for Church Festivals and other holida)^consumed the remainder. Clocks were not common in old Florence and only well-to-do people carried watches, consequently the time of day was regulated by the striking of bells. Perhaps the earliest record of a public clock is dated March 15, 1352, on which day the big clock of the Palazzo Vecchio struck the hours for the first time. The first bell used to mark the flight of the busy hours was that hung up in the Campanile of the ancient Church of Santa Maria Ughi, which was situated in the Piazza delle Cipolli, just behind the Palazzo Strozzi. Every afternoon at three o'clock sundry strokes told workmen to cease from their toil. This early hour was due to the fact that in winter at dusk, the city gates were closed alike to egress as to entry, for many labourers lived in the Cantado outside the city walls. There is a legend of an attractive flower and herb-seller called Berta, who left a sum of money to the Church of Santa Maria Maggiore, that at four o'clock a supplemental bell should be rung, winter and summer, to indicate the completion of the day's paid labour. This bell was called «Ztf TVora"— "the Fruiterer's bell," and, from its shape, ''La Cavolata^' the "gentle cabbage! " The first Grand Duke, Cosimo I., transferred the functions of the workmen's bell to the b^ bell of the Duomo, and directed it to be rung at half-past three daily the year round. 74 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE The bell of the Bargello went by the name of " La Montanara^* from the name of the town whence it was taken by the Florentines in 1302. This bell tolled every evening to warn loyal citizens to lay aside their arms and withdraw themselves indoors. To this custom was due another name, ^^ La Campana deUe AmiV* Cosimo I. ordered that any servant found idling in the streets, or hanging about for want of work, at the evening tolling of this bell, should have his right hand amputated 1 At all public execu- tions ^^La Montanara " tolled during the progress of the condemned to the gallows. On the succession of Alessandro de' Medici to the place of his fathers, on May i, 1532, Florence became the capital of a Duchy. By his order " La Campana " was taken down and broken in pieces, ^ lest its sound should awaken echoes of lost freedom 1 '' The last knell tolled on October ist, 1532, and it marked the close of an eventful strenuous life. The liberties of a free people, and of a free parliament were buried in the grave of the Republic of Florence ! Stemmade' ''Priori d^ Libertay' 1434. (Red ** Uberta " on a white field.) THK HARGKLLO (PALACK OK THK FODKSTA) STAlkS OK HONOUR Chapter III THE GUILD OF JUDGES AND NOTARIES V ARTE DE* QIUDICI E NOTAI I. Origin. — ^Judicial system built up upon the requirements of Trade. Florentine love of Equity. Bologna in 1262. College of Judges. Early mention of Consuls of the Guild. II. CONSTITUTION.—Proconsul and his Court. Matriculation obligatory for a legal career. The two sections of the Guild and their precedence. Guild jealousies. Rules of membership and examinations. III. Tribun ALS.~The Podesta and the Capitano del Papolo, Their Courts. Courts of the six SesHeri. Or San Michele. The Contado. Giudici alia Rota, The Mercanna. Court of Appeals. "// Statuto di '96.'' Sessions of Courts. Sentences. Debtors. Capital Offences. Trivial Suits. Stinche. Sumptuary matters. Women litigants. Amusing cases. The "Stick"! Gambling. IV. Judges. — High esteem. Messeri. Dress. Salaries. Sportelli. Veniality Sacchetti's skit Boccaccio^s strictures. Knighthood. The RinghUra, V. Notaries. — Special training. Each his own manual sign. Guarantees required. The Notaio della Riformagicne. Chancellors of the Sute. Lucra- tive fees. Each Department of State, Guild, Business-house, etc., their own special Notary. Advisers and pleaders. Special commissions. Everybody happy to go to law with his neighbour ! Disqualifications and tricks. Dress. Statistics of Legal Profession. Ser Lapo Mazzei. Demeanour of legal functionaries. College of Judges and Notaries, 1597. IT seems, at first sight, to be somewhat of an anachronism to include a Guild of legal and professional persons among the Trade Corporations of the Republic of Florence. Although the members of the Guild of Judges and Notaries were in no sense men of business, strictly so called, their functions were absolutely necessary to the prosecution of the industries and the commerce of the artisans and merchants around them. On the other hand, the judicial system of Florence was built up mainly upon the requirements of trade, the interests of which 7S 76 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE were paramount in the political constitutions of the city and its territory. Extraordinary characteristics of the Florentines of the Middle Ages were their love of equity and reverence for justice, and their administration by persons and councils without bias or partiality. Throughout the whole history of Florence nothing is more remarkable than the frequency and regularity with which the aid of individuals and powers wholly external to the purposes in view was evoked. The most notable example of this is offered in the selection of foreigners to fill the highest office in the State — that oi Podesta. It was considered, — quite rightly, — that a stranger would be likely to bring to bear upon all questions submitted to his judgment a mind absolutely free from all leanings to one side or the other. The application of this principle was looked for by the pioneers of the industrial and commercial activities of Florence, in the settlement of all matters relating to trade and traders. Whilst family ties and class distinctions were exacting and pro- hibitive in the allocation of judicial functions to men brought up and educated within the bounds of the Commune, no such limitations existed with respect to men trained in other centres of learning. Bologna, the mother of universities, was at an early date the source to which the men of Florence looked for their legal advisers. Her fame as the teacher of jurisprudence was un- rivalled, and her faculty of law attracted students from every city and country in Europe. In 1262 there were upwards of twenty thousand men engaged in the study of canon and civil law within her confines. Many a clever young Florentine found his way thither, and having made his name as a legal expert, he was welcomed home again as a valuable assistant to his father or his father's partners in business. The prosperity of the city, and the prospect of honour and emolument at the hand of the rich citizens, also attracted men of other States, who had qualified in law. Upon all such AN AUDIENCE WITH THE PODESTA FIKTEENTH CENTUKV DOCTORS OF LAW IN CONSULTATION FIFTEENTH CENTURY THE GUILD OF JUDGES AND NOTARIES 77 graduates of the University the d^ree of '' Doctor-juris*' was conferred. The constant and increasingly numerous questions, disputes, and settlements, inseparable from all intercourse between man and man, trade and trade, created the necessity of a publicly recognised body of men learned in law and equity. A .College of Judges existed in Florence during the twelfth century, but the actual date of its establishment is conjectural. Anyhow rolls of membership and records of acts are extant of the year 1187. The first mention of a Tribunal of Judges is in a document of the year 1 197. This probably led to the formal incorporation of a Guild of Judges, at the same period that the early CompagnUy or Companies of the merchants and artisans, were developed into the more ambitious Arti or Guilds.^ A document* of the year 1 193, preserved in the Archives of Florence, contains an* account of a convention made between the Commune of Florence and the Lords of the Castle of Trebbio, in which are named the Seven Rettori — Rectors of the Guilds. This is especially interesting as the instrument in question was drawn up for signature by certain Judges and Notaries of the city. In the Treaty of 1204 between Florence and Siena, the signatures of the Consuls of five Guilds are appended, namely : — ^Judges and Notaries, Calimalay Wool-merchants, Bankers and money-changers, and Silk-merchants. Again in 1229 the Treaty with Orvieto is similarly signed, and it is noteworthy that the Consuls of the " Guild of Judges and Notaries " come first in each case. Such records prove that the Guild had been in active and honourable existence for many years. At a State Council, held on April 15th, 1279, summoned to discuss matters relating to the Court of Rome, — whereat all the Guilds were represented by their Consuls, — the signatures of Daminus Ugo Altoviti, Dominus Jacobus Gerardi, Daminus Alberti * L. Contini, <' Legislazione," i. 105-107 and iii. 62. ' Archiyio della Riformagione, Bk. xxyi. 78 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE Ristori, Ser Benzi Dandi : Notarius^ Dominus Gerardus Maneti : NotariuSy Ser Cioe fil. Jacobi Buere — " Consules Judicum et NotariorufHy* are appended first The precise meaning of the title '' Consul " is clearly set forth in distinction to that of "Judge." The former's office was "/r F. Gaicciaidini, **Opere Inedite,'* voL Hi. § 177 (Counsels of Perfection). 90 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE It not unfrequently happened that prisoners were left to die miserably and alone in the Stinche and the other prisons of Florence. Condemned criminals were imprisoned, if sentenced for a life incarceration, or for a respite before execution, in the dungeons of the Bargello, where also was an aubUetU. Human skulls and bones have frequently been discovered under this building. The release of a prisoner was a somewhat rare occurrence ; it was usually effected on a Sunday or Saint's-day, when, by a touching religious ceremony, the prisoner was conducted to the Church of San Giovanni, and offered at the altar, which he quitted a free man. Women, — to judge by a great number of legal enactments, : — gave the authorities much trouble. They were absolutely for- bidden to enter a Court of Justice, and Judges were warned not to give ear to their complaints. A Statute of 1294 gives this quaintly ambiguous caution : — ^^ Women are a sex to be looked upon as most dangerous in disturbing the course of justice i " Many sumptuary laws were, during the fourteenth century, directed against the excess of feminine adornment, and these Judges were called upon to administer strictly. Many they very cunningly evaded by invoking the aid of Notaries, upon whom reposed the worry of investigation and the odium of correction. A tale is told by Sacchetti ^ of Messere Amerigo Amerighi of Pesaro, — a Judge, during Sacchetti's priorate, — who was directed to execute certain orders for the regulation of the fashions of the time. He instructs a Notary well versed in such matters to prepare a statement. The Notary reported that one woman, whose headdress was too high, refused to lower it, saying, ^ Why, no, don't you see it is a wreath." Another, wearing many buttons on her dress, defended herself with the remark, '' Yes, I can wear these, they are not buttons, you see they have no hanks." A third, accused of wearing ermine, replied, ^ This is not ermine, it is the fur of a suckling." When the unhappy Notary asked : > F. Sacchetti, " Novelle," cxxxvii. ▼ol. i. p. 327. WOMEN LITIGANTS BEFORE THE PODESTA LATE FOURTEENTH CBNTURY THE GUILD OF JUDGES AND NOTARIES ^1 " What is this suckling ? " she replied : *' Oh, it is only an animal ! " " A good woman and a bad one equally require the stick ! " was an old and familiar saying of the Florentines : somewhat harsh and ungallant perchance, but never more applicable than to would-be female litigsmts ! The Statutes with respect to gambling, card playing, etc., are frequent and minatory, and their application gave the Judges endless trouble and presented many inconsistencies. The ** Archi- via delta Grascia " preserve many such acts, and also show how greatly worried judicial dignitaries were in Florence in the enforcement of such decrees. A friend of Messere Amerighi indeed scribbled upon the margin of one of the excellent Judge's sumptuary Summings-up : — "^ If there is a person you do hate, Send him to Florence as a magistrate ! " ^ The ability, integrity, and urbanity of the Florentine Judges soon gained approval all over Europe. This recognition had a reflex influence upon the individuals, and encouraged them to live up to their high reputation. The esteem in which the oflice of Judge was held in Florence is evidenced by the honourable title of ^^ Messerel' which was generally accorded to the judicial members of the Guild. Judges were accorded equal precedence with Knights and Doctors of Medicine in all ceremonies, whether public or private. They were always invited to marriage feasts as guests of the highest distinction. In common with their equals. Judges wore long red cloaks, lined with miniver, and an inner and tighter fitting garment of the same colour. D^^rees in official rank were exhibited by variations in the length and fulness of their robes, and in the quality and quantity of fur adornments. The head covering, — a close fitting cap, with a falling curtain or sash, — was also red. ' See Gvido Biagi, **Tbe PrinUe Life of the Renaissance Florentine," p. 46. 92 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE Some counsels of perfection, almost whimsically written, are found by any who have time to search the Archives of Florence for matters relating to the " Guild of Judges and Notaries " and its individual members. One learned and sententious scribe says : — ** Bear well in mind that when you pronounce a sentence you go on straight- forwardly, loyally, and justly ; and do not let yourself be swayed aside from this, either by bribes, love or fear, by relationship or friendship, or for the sake of a companion. For the person against whom you give your sentence will be your enemy, and he whom you would serve will hold you neither honest, nor loyal, nor straightforward, and will instead always distrust and despise you." The payment of Judges depended as much upon the man as upon circumstances. Each was required to be possessed of a certain private income as an essential qualification for office. This income might accrue from inheritance, or from practice as advocate in the Supreme and Foreign Courts. The amounts paid by the State to Judges for judicial services were not so much in the way of salaries as commissions upon the business transacted. For example, in 1290 two "jurisprudents," to assist the Treasurer of the Commune, received each only one gold florin a month ! ^ Civil causes of first instance were heard before the Judge of the Court of each Sestiere. He was required to have attained the degree of Doctor of Law at Bologna, or at some other legal University, and to be an enrolled citizen of Florence. His term of office was six months, and he might be re-elected, or not, as the Council of State decided. The salary was hardly commensurate with the dignity of the office — ^a paltry sum of twenty-five lire ! In 1 29 1 the Judge of a certain Sestiere received, however, as much as twenty-five lire a month, whilst another only obtained twenty.four, for four months. * The Judges who sat as assessors or delegates of the Chief Magistrate were well remunerated. In 1292 the judicial assis- ' Prow. iL 144, Oct. II. 2 Prow. iiL 17, 1291 ; 85, 1292 ; 100, 1292. THE GUILD OF JUDGES AND NOTARIES 93 tants of the Captain of the People were paid forty-five lire each for presiding at the drawing of the " Taglia'' ^ Judges of Appeal, however, were regarded as superior digni- taries, and were paid on a still more liberal scale. In 1286 one such personage received five hundred lire for himself and his two Notaries.^ In 1358 a Judge of Appeal received as much as fifteen hundred lire per annum. Judges were forbidden to exercise their functions privately, as well as publicly, on all Festivals and Fasts. Their sportdli, or wickets, might indeed be open on the days of obligation, but only for the delivery of messages and for brief replies to inquiries. The dignity of their position, and the high esteem with which they were regarded generally by people of all classes, did not, all the same, prevent the miscarriage of justice, nor the degradation of their office at times by both Judges and Notaries. The common experience of noble ideals failing to enforce themselves at all times, and under all circumstances, was confirmed, alas, often enough, in busy, turbulent Florence. Boccaccio, Sacchetti, and other popular writers and critics of the various periods, adduce numbers of instances where right and justice were made to yield to veniality and fraud. Bribes were freely offered, and often enough as freely taken. One litigant having offered the Judge a fat ox to obtain a favourable verdict, his opponent promptly sent in a fine cow in calf: the wily magis- trate accepted both, and dismissed the case ! '' I would rather see my son," said Sacchetti, " a sportsman than a Judge "' Whilst travesties of justice were made the occasion of ridicule, they had their effect upon the public opinion. The strictures of Boccaccio upon unrighteous Judges are very severe. ** They," he says, " pretend that they are ministers of justice, and of God, but they are indeed the executors of injustice and the friends of the devil."* The mention of Knights in connection with a Republic of ' Viltani, xi. 92. ' Prow. pp. I, 14, 1286. » F. Sacchetti, "Novelle," 77, t. ii. pp. 17, 21. * Boccaccio, "Giorni," lii. nov. 7, t. xi, p. 89. 94 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE Merchants seems to be an anachronism, nevertheless Knighthood was not only generally recognised, but greatly sought after by men of position. The creation of Knights in Florence depended upon three circumstances : — The visit of a foreign monarch, the assumption of the Fodestaship by an alien sovereign,— both Charlemagne and Charles of Anjou bestowed the accolade, — ^and the will of the people, either expressed by the rulers of the State in public meeting, or vehemently pronounced in tumultuous assembly. In the latter category were Michele Lando and sixty-four citizens, who were created Knights by the popular voice in the Ciompi Rising in 1378. New Knights were invested publicly, and to their care were committed in the name of the Republic a standard, a lance, a sword, amd a shield, — the latter bearing the arms of the State. Of the symbols of Knighthood Dante sings how : — " . . . . Galigaio show'd The gilded hilt and pommel.' ' Their ennoblement required also the attestation of the Superior Court of Judges, to whom they were required to present their credentials after preparation by Notaries. The Investiture was held after 1323 at the Ringkiera, a raised platform erected along the front of the Falazzo Vecchio, whereon the Supreme Magistrates were solemnly admitted, Decrees of State publicly promulgated, and Military Commanders received their insignia of office. It was the Florentine Agora or Forum, No one desired more earnestly the distinction of an Order of Chivalry than Judges and Notaries, — the former to qualify for the highest offices in the State and for ambassadorial appointments to foreign States, and the latter to attain, at a bound, the step whereby they might exchange their humble writing equipage for the golden- sheathed dagger of knighthood. > '* Paradiso," Canto xvi. THE GUILD OF JUDGES AND NOTARIES 95 Turning now to the other section of the Guild, — " the body of honourable Notaries/' as they were called, we must remember that, unlike their lordly brethren of the Judicial Bench, they were men who had been bom, educated, and trained in Florence. As boys attending monastery schools, or later, the elementary schools of the Studio^ or Academy, they obtained the rudiments of notarial law at the feet of one or other of the many teachers of l^al studies who were to be found in every part of north and central Italy in the twelfth, thirteenth, and fourteenth centuries. These preceptors were for the most part graduates in law of Bologna, looking out for posts as judges in the civil and criminal courts. All Notaries, before pleading in Court, were obliged to appear before the Proconsul and the eight Consuls of the "Guild of Judges and Notaries," and to produce a guarantee of two hun- dred lire that they would ''exercise their profession faithfully, and lawfully, and would never be guilty of the least exaction or extortion." Each was required to register his special signature, or mark, on admission to plead. I One of the Statutes of the Guild decreed that no Notary should be qualified to plead or to practise within the judicial ' boundaries of the Republic who had not lived for the last ten consecutive years in Florence. A Notary was required also to be of a respectable family, whose members had duly paid all the taxes and rates for at least twenty years. Regularly admitted Notaries wei« styled in documents *' Sapientes Juris*' They were attached to every court and to all the principal offices of State. RBGISTBRBD MARK OR SIGNATURB OF THB NOTARY NICCOLO DA FBRBNTBRINO, 1 236. 96 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE One of the most important officers of the Republic was the Notaio della Riformagione. His duties were those of Secretary to the Priors, and his business was to keep a register of their decisions. He was always a foreigner, generally a Lombard, and his salary ranged from one hundred lire in 1358 to four hundred and fifty.^ Three days before quitting office he had to hand to the Gonfaloniere di GiusHzia a copy of all acts issuing from the Supreme Council of State. For serious dereliction of duty he was liable, not only to heavy fines, but even to imprisonment. A special Notary was appointed annually to assist the State Treasurer to keep the public accounts, and to prepare the annual Exchequer balance-sheet. By way of auditors of this department of the Government, two senior Notaries or advocates, doctors of law, were named, whose duty it was to examine, check, and pass or refuse, all statements of receipts and disbursements of public money. Two Notaries were attached to the person of the Gonfaloniere di Giustizia. One acted as personal secretary, and retired from office with his chief. The other was the permanent secretary of the office, and had charge of the law-books, registers of business, list of reforms carried out or proposed, and all other documents relating to the department His salary was only one hundred /ir^ a year. Another officer of this Department of State was the Cancelliere^ who was also a Notary. He held the privy-purse of the Gonfaloniere^ and conducted his correspondence. These three offices, though quite subordinate, were greatly sought after by young men endued with literary tastes, or ambitious to rise in the employment of the State. Coluccio de' Salutati, Leonardo Bruni, Carlo Marsuppini, Poggio Bracciolini, Marcello Vergilio and Niccolo Machiavelli were among those who in turn held the Chancellorship. Four Notaries, *'duly matriculated and of good fame and intelligence," were appointed annually for service in the Supreme Council of State. Whilst holding these appointments they were 1 M. de C Stefeni, "Delizie," xii. 351. THE GUILD OF JUDGES AND NOTARIES 97 forbidden to undertake any other professional duties. They kept the State Records, and had at hand all documents and materials which would be likely to be asked for in the course of delibera- tions. They were paid so much for the copies they wrote, i^uiging from seven lire for complete lists of citizens chai^^ble with the '' Catasto " or Income-tax, to seven soldi for drafts of the motions before the Council.^ Lucrative fees were often paid by the State to Notaries for copying Statutes and other documentary matter. In 1291 two Notaries received forty-two Ure for copying, illuminating and binding two new Statutes. To a Notary, who compiled an alpha- betical register of the names of exiles, from the time of the Podesta Pietro dei Stefaneschi to the year 1291, was granted a sum of forty gold florins. Six Notaries were bidden, in 1 246, to copy out the Register of Citizens for the " Eslimo" — Valuation of Property, — and they were paid thirty lire.^ Each Guild had its own special Notaries, whose nominations and appointments were generally made at a joint meeting of the Consuls of the Guilds. Under date December 31, 1326,' the following Guilds were thus provided for six months : — Bakers, Annourers and Swordmakers, Oil, Cheese, and Provision Mer- chants, Woollen Merchants, Tanners, Doctors and Apothecaries Judges and Notaries, Butchers, Skinners and Furriers, Retail Cloth Dealers and Linen Merchants, Wine Merchants, Carpenters, Innkeepers, Locksmiths and Metal Workers, Silk Merchants and Blacksmiths. These legal officials were engaged daily, either in the Superior Courts, or in the Consular Courts of the several Guilds. In the latter Tribunals they acted as confidential advisers to litigants, and also as pleaders in Court They were allowed to take fees from the persons seeking their assistance, and they received, in addition, fixed biennial payments from the Guilds on whose behalf they acted. ^ L. Canrini, " L^islazione," liL p. 12. •Promr. iii. 8 ?«^, Sept. 3, 1291. Prow, ao v«-, Sept. 3, 1291. Prow. vi. 146 ^t I>cc. 3, 1246. ' **Archivio del State di Fircnxe," R. A. fol. 96. 98 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE This twofold avocation led gradually to the creation of a new order of legal functionaries — an intermediated degree, so to speak, in the membership of the Guild. Senior or more ambitious Notaries obtained general recognition as Leaders, Advocates of Appeal, and so forth, and were entrusted with the higher duties of the profession, and at times were admitted as Assessors in certain suits to the Judges on the bench. This is an interesting development in l^al procedure, and was no doubt the parent of the British system of barristers and solicitors. Much of the time of Notaries was taken up with drafting charters — commercial and political ; drawing up business agree- ments, contracts, and adjudications ; preparing balance-sheets and other auditorial matters ; conducting foreign correspondence for merchants ; and dealing, generally, with the thousand and one clerical details of the immense trade of Florence. Every business house and bank had its own special Notary, and so had the richer nobles, and the more important private citizens. Besides this, Notaries were despatched, for longer or shorter periods, to the many foreign cities and districts in which Florentine merchants had branch houses and agencies. One, Lamberto Velluti, — a member of the wealthy silk-manufacturing family, — ^was employed as Notary on one of the ships of the Peruzzi Company. Of him it is recorded that, after he had gained sufficient capital by fees and charges, he set up in business on his own account as a shipper of merchandise. All embassies to foreign Courts, and all special missions for signing treaties and other international engagements, required the services of Notaries. They were bound to give notice at the Monte Camune, — public Pawn Office, — of all instru- ments drawn up by them for the payment of taxes, and, within a month of their execution, to deposit copies at the Offices of State. Notaries, too, were employed in drawing up wills, — copies of which they were required to file within thirty days after the testator's death. They were forbidden to draft instruments THE GUILD OF JUDGES AND NOTARIES 99 benefiting themselves, or any member of their families, under a penalty of fifty lire — the instrument so drawn was also declared null and void. Notaries were appointed from time to time to inquire into, and to report upon, disorders among the hired soldiery of the Republic. These mercenaries were originally members of mili- tary companies, which were first enrolled under Condottieri^ — Foreign Captains, — in 1250, when the faction fights between the Grandi and the Popolani were at their height. Their duties, in the first instance, were defence of the Contado^ but their services were retained, later on, for the safeguarding of the city also. Four hundred were required each night to patrol the following streets : — Porta Rossa, Calimala, Baccano, For Santa Maria, and the Corso degli Adimari, and other streets and squares, where were situated most of the Residences and Offices of the Guilds, the principal Banks, and the great Mercantile Companies, t(^ether with the shops of the more considerable tradespeople. If women troubled worthy Judges with their fashions and their witchery, out-of-elbows Notaries worried the fair sex, in their quest for citations-at-bar, for breaches of the sumptuary laws. The protocols concerning dress were written out by the gentlemen of the long robe, who, not content with their faultless penmanship, busied themselves in the application of the prohibitions. The officials of the " Grascia '* were quick-witted Notaries. It was their amusement and their profit to interrogate all the women they met When they saw one wearing, for example, two rings ornamented with fine pearls, or a little cap or wreath em- broidered and embellished with gold, they noted down her name. A summons was probably issued against her and her husband, and the latter, to avoid a public spectacle, paid the fine and the Notaries' costs to boot I ^ It may be truthfully said that every walk in life in old ^ Archivio della Grascia. 100 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE Florence was associated with the busy ministrations of these universal clerks and pleaders. Indeed, so much had the functions of the Notaries entered into the private life of the citizens, that whilst on the one hand every one was only too happy to go to law with his neighbour ; on the other, the curse of the law became a byeword. Those who had experienced the miseries of litigation were wont to greet their more fortunate neighbours with the trite saying: — "May sorrow, evil, and lawyers be far from thee ! " The position of the Notaries in Court was immediately under the seats of the Judges. They were accommodated with raised desks, over which they were accustomed to bend for conference with their clients. Their dress was more sombre than that of the Judges. They originally wore black or dark grey cloaks without fur, but, at a later date, they obtained the right to add that decoration. Attached to the cincture of their long tunics they carried pouches or bags, — much after the fashion of the merchants' ScarseUe^ — containing writing materials, and these were the distinctive marks of their profession. They were usually worn quite plain and un- adorned, in contrast to the elaborate emblazonments upon the money-bags of the nobles and merchants. Strict regulations were enforced against Notaries contumadous or delinquent For example, if any were ten days behind in pay- ment of taxes, dues, and contributions of all kinds, he was dis- barred, and not permitted to practise until he had fully discharged his indebtedness. Antonio Miscomini in "// Giuoccho delle Scacchi" has a woodcut of the Bishop's Pawn, as we call the dignitary on the King's right in the game of chess; and this pawn is thus described by William Caxton in his ** Playe of Ckesse'' in 148 I : — " The third pawne, which is sette tofore the Alphyn on the right side, ought to be figured as a clerk, and this is reson that he should so be. For as moche as among y^ common peple of THE GUILD OF JUDGES AND NOTARIES 101 whom we speke in this book they plete the difTerences, contencions^ and causes while the whiche behoveth the Alphyn to gyve sentence and juge as juges. This pawne holdeth in his right hand a pair of sheres or forcetis, and with the lifte hand a great knyf, and on his gyrdell a penner and an ynkhorn, and on his eere a penne to wryte wyth. ... It appertayneth to them to cut the cloth '^yc«(tic(e(ctcft(c(f(cttfc(C(cic(e(ctt(e(e(ea«r:s NOTARY— WOOL MBRCHANT. FIFTBBNTH CENTURY. signefied by the forcetis, as the coupers, coryers, tanners, skynners, bouchers, and cordwanners being signefyed by the knyf . . . and certain other crafty men ben named drapers, or cloth workers, for so they werke wyth wolle . . . Notayres . . . work by skynnys and hydes as parchemyn, velume, pittrye, and cordewan and tayllours, cutters of cloth, wevars, fullars, dyers . . ." This extract, from the old French moralist, translated by Caxton, is interesting as indicative of the intimate relations which existed between the Notaries and the craftsmen of all kinds. 102 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE The integrity of industrial methods was ever under the ken of legal personages. Besides this, Notaries were permitted to deal wholesale in textile and other commodities. In several docu- ments they sign their names with the twofold qualification — for example, Ser Notaio-Lanaiuolo^ Notary Woollen-merchant, or Dotninus Lanarius-Notarius^ Wool-stapler — Notary. Whilst the senior Notaries assumed all the dignified and supercilious airs of their more highly-placed brethren of the Guild — the Judges — the younger were denied the title of Messere, until they had absolutely mounted the judicial bench, but were classed merely as Notaries whatever their attainments and influence might happen to be. In 1495 the Notaries were made a class apart, and were disqualified from entering any commercial house or accepting any trading agency. They were forbidden also to undertake retail business of every kind. With respect to the numbers of Judges and Notaries, who from time to time exercised their functions within the boundaries of the State, it is difficult to deal. The latter were, as might have been expected, always in a considerable majority. In the year 1358, Villani says, "there were nearly one hundred Judges and upwards of five hundred Notaries." This is a high average for a population which had been decimated by famine in 1346 and by pestilence in 1348. Boccaccio records that the latter scourge slew, between March and September, as many as 96,000 out of a total of 160,000 inhabitants ! ^ No writer has given posterity a more vivid and unvarnished story of the legal profession in old Florence than has Ser Lapo Mazzei, the good Notary of Prato, the wise man of " rough soul and frozen heart" A man of ascetic spirit, with sound religious sympathies, and a well-versed moralist, his letters are full of interest At jousts and during public festivals, if any member of » G. VUlani, "Cronica," xi. p. 93. THE GUILD OF JUDGES AND NOTARIES 103 the "Guild of Judges and Notaries" did anything whatever against ordinary decorum and convention, he at once became an object of satire, and no one hesitated to make fun of him. Breaches of correct manners often enough led to some funny fellow or other placing a thistle under the tail of the legal functionary's horse, and, as the poor beast tore back to his stable at a wild gallop, the air was rent with the derisive cries of the passers-by I The Guild continued to thrive all through the "reigns" of the earlier Medici princes, although many of the prerogatives of the Judges were greatly curtailed and the peculations of the Notaries were covertly connived at Almost the last record, in the Archives, of the "Guild of Judges and Notaries" was that of December 28, 1597, on which date a decree was signed by the Grand Duke Ferdinand I. which abolished the ancient title of the Guild and substituted that of "Collie of Judges and Notaries." Membership was made of three degrees: — i. Judges, 2. Advocates, 3. Notaries; thus recognizing the intermediate order framed in the last century. Eight consuls were elected, two of the degree of Judge, two of that of Advocate, and four of that of Notary. The Council of the " Collie " was made to consist of eight members — four Judges and four Notaries. A Matriculation Board was also formed, composed of two Judges, two Advocates, and four Notaries. Each year, it was ordered that two Advocates should be appointed as Counsel for the poorer citizens in criminal cases, who should plead for their clients, without taking any fee or emolument, the Guild undertaking to pay them. The great reputation of the Judges and Notaries, despite many and serious blots and blemishes, has been handed down to modem times. To-day, the legal profession is still the most important in Italy, and the most popular. The ambition, even of small tradesmen, well-to-do farmers, and skilled artizans is to see their sons graduates at law and advocates in the Courts. 104 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE Of the ornaments of the Profession, the aphorism of good old Francesco Guicciardini is as true now, as it was in his time : — " In Florence he who is a wise is also a good citizen, since were he not good he would not be wise." ^ * •• Opcrc Incditc," vol. iii.' (Counsels of Perfection). " Stimma delf Arte de' Gindici t Naiai." Four Gold Stars on a blue field, 1343 ; originally only one star. X ^I^ IT-Lf.r ■^.TTTTT-^,I_X-?'T-r H I-- 'I O c z- i < o E I — ■ s U2 Chapter IV THE *'CALIMALA" GUILD VARTE E UNIVER8ITA DtT MERCANTI DI CALIMALA I. Origin.— Meaning of the name. ^^Panni FranceschiP The dressing of foreign cloth. Merchants of the Calimala, 1 19a Cavalcanti. The Chiefs of the Muggello. Early predominant influence of the Guild. II. Constitution.— Statutes— Code, 1201-1209. Pious Uses. Usury. Legal Procedure. Trade Restrictions. Matriculation. Associated Trades. Games. Hours of Work. Disputes. ^Le bane usctnze di Kalimala,^ Accounts. Official marking of cloth. Sharp dealers summarily dealt with. Tricks of the trade. Officers, and method of election. Consular Courts. Couriers. Inspectors. Sbirri. Agents. Dyers. Patchers. Cutters. Folders. Finishers. Bernardo Alamanna Scarlatto d^Oricello, Pre-eminence of Florentine dyers, 1279. Spots and blemishes. Defaulters and fines. III. Development. — Superiority of Florentine methods. Mercantile Com- panies. Friction between the Guilds. Guido del' Antella and his '* RicordanzeP The ''Calimala" in France. Famous Florentine Conunercial Agents. A tor- i?//(^— packing, freight, and invoice. Credit Expansion of Trade in 1338. Tariffs. Dangers of commercial journeys. Fame of Florentine cloth. Leading "Calimala" families. Foreign Competition. The Record of five hundred years. VARIOUS names and styles are given in documents and authorities for the Master Merchant-Guild of Florence : — "The Guild of Merchants," ''The Guild of Merchants in Foreign Cloth," "The Guild of Calimala," "The Guild of Calimala Fran- ccsca," etc., etc. The spelling of the distinctive name '^ Calitnala'' also varies : — '' KaUismale^^ " CaUmara^* etc. etc. Its most probable derivation comes from the fact that the Residence and Offices of the Guild were situated in the Via di Calimala, a narrow street which led into the Mercato Vecchio, — the Old Market, — where also the chief business of the merchants of the Guild was transacted. X05 106 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE Over the doorway of the Residence was stuck up a shield bearing the arms of the Guild : — a golden eagle perching upon a white bale of wool in a red field ; and the same was blazoned upon the Gonfalon. Machiavelli, writing about the enterprise of the merchants of the " CalinuUa^* says : — ^** The production of tissues of wool was so flourishing, that the work-people had only to dye and finish them in order to export them at once. The merchants who were engaged in this industry founded an V important Guild, called * Calimalay from the name of the street." ^ With respect to the term ^^ Francescal^ or ^^ Franceschi** as applied to the Guild, it is noteworthy that Fernando Arrivabene, in speaking of Religious Orders, says : — *' In 1 182 the celebrated St Francis, founder of the great religious Order, was born at Assisi, in Umbria, being the son of Pietro Bemadones, a man of humble birth. At the sacred font he was given the name of Giovanni, but when quite young he was called " Francesco," because of the facility with which he spoke French — a language then necessary to the Italians in commerce, for which he was destined by his father." This may be taken to prove that before the year 1 182 there was active commercial intercourse between Italy and France. Doubtless the words " Francesca " and " Franceschi " were used originally in Florence as applicable to France and French markets alone, but they were quite easily extended to the produce of other countries. Thus " Panni Franceschi'' signified cloth manufactured in England, Flanders, and Spain, as well as in France. From a remote period wool was the staple industry of the Florentines, which they manipulated with such admirable assiduity and skill, that very soon the output of their looms was in excess of the home consumption. Markets were sought beyond the confines of the growing town, and traders, moving about in com- 1 ** Le Istorie di Firenze," L iv. '^ F. Arrivftbene, < Archivio di Firenze, No. xvii. 142a. *'Spoglio Strozziuio," v. i. p. 25. 108 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE Matriculations of the Guild of " OUitntUa Francesca " were those of the two sons of the donor of this property,^ From 1 190, and onwards, notices of the '' CaHma/a" and its operations are frequent enough in the Archives of Florence ; for example, under date October 21, 11 90 — a document speaks of the Guild as in active operation.' It is in the form of a deed of gift of land and buildings for the benefit of the Guild, whereby Giambone di CefTuli and Diede, his son, with the consent of their wives, make over irrevocably to Giovanni di Buonins^^a and Ugone d'Angiolotti, " Consuls of the Old Merchants of the Calimala," such and such property. The earliest entry in the List of the Consuls is dated 1 192, when the names of Giano Cavalcanti, Ranerio di Ugone della Bella, and Ugo d'Angiolotti are recorded as having served the office. The importance of the '' Calitnala " Guild was duly recognised in the year 1 1 99 in a document, which states that in the Superior Council of the Commune the *' ConstUes Mercataruml* — Consuls of the Merchants' Guild, — sat along with the three representative Priors of the Guilds and the ten Buonuomini under the presidency of the Podesta^ Pagano de' Porcari.' At that date the number of the '' Ccditnala " Consuls was six, their chief being Stoldo da Musetto. The business before the Council was the framing of a treaty of peace and amity with the robber chieftains of the Muggello, and other districts belonging to Lombardy, Venice, and Bologna, through which lay very important trade-routes. Stoldo da Musetto and Raniero della Bella, — ^two of the Consuls of the " Ca/ima/a" — were appointed to sign the treaty in which the Chiefs promise : — 1. To protect Florentine Merchants and their Merchandise throughout the feudal territory. 2. To consider the requirements of Merchants as their own. 1 Codex Ricciardini "Register, or Roll of dell* Arte del Mercanti di Cftlimala, 1235-1495," Lib. i. R. I. xxvii. ' Archivio del Stato Fiorentino '* Cartapecora Stroniana Uguocioni.'' ' L. Cantini, i. 150, ii. 65. THE - CALIMALA " GUILD 109 3. To supply trustworthy Guides for convoys, etc. 4. To compel all their followers to observe these conditions. In 1202 Chiarito Pigli, — a Consul of the Merchants of the " Ca/ima/a" — was invested with full powers by the State Council to reduce Semifonte, a turbulent little republic, which long A CALIMALA MERCHANT IN HIS GARDBN. SIXTBKNTH CRNTURY. vrithstood the growing power of Florence, incited opposition by his effusion : — ** Florence stand back That I too may be a city." One of her poets In the treaties with Siena and Capraia, — both in 1204, — with Prato in 1212, and with Bologna in 1216, the first signa- tures are those of the Consuls of the " Ca/ima/a.'* Indeed the influence of the Guild had already assumed a potential position in the counsels of the Commune.^ 1 S. Ammirato, *' Dell' Istorie Fiorentine," vol. i. p. 76. no THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE The official designation of the " Ca/imala" during the first twenty years of the thirteenth century, was : — '*L'Arte e Universita (U Mercanti di Calimala,** The Statutes of the ^' Calimala " Guild are found in Latin in many manuscripts preserved in the Florentine Libraries. The earliest Codex bears the date 1 301- 1309; it is in the Maglia- becchian Library, and is in the handwriting of Matteo Beliotti and of Giovanni Ser Lapi, — both Notaries of Florence, — and of their assistants.^ It opens with a dedication to the Deity which states that the Constitution of " the Craft and University of the Merchants of the Kalltsmale of Florence" is projected in reverence of St Mary, St John Baptist, SS. Peter, Paul, Philip, James and Miniato, and all the Saints ; in honour of the Holy Roman Church and the Sovereign Pontiff; the Lord Podesta, the Lord Capitano^ and the Commonwealth of Florence ; and, finally, in all due respect for all worthy merchants and companies belonging to The First Part consists of thirty-two Sections, which treat, as the quaint heading says, *' of all things pertaining to God and to the Soul/' It speaks of pious observances, good works, int^^ity of conduct, obedience to magistrates, and of all else which goes to make a virtuous, industrious, and respectable citizen. The pious profession of faith, with which the First Section deals, is noteworthy as indicating the intimate relation which existed, in the Middle Ages and early Renaissance, between the religion of daily life and its industrial and commercial activities. Every morning monks chanted Mass, in the ancient church of San Giovanni, on behalf of the members of the Guild and in furtherance of their enterprises. Guildsmen were constrained to observe the annual church festivals, which numbered forty without reckoning the Sundays. > Archivio del Slato di Firenie, Staluti dell' Arti, 1301-9. ' S. L. Penizzi, ** Storia del Commercio e dei Banchieri di Firenze." <; V >IL iITT \ ? ^ '. ■■ ,^ , M ^ mW.. m i r t ; i: , i ; is n* P 5 2: ^ > u « • «^^% ^ ir^ ^ v4r# ^«'* ^wmm m^^. 7, it LLilHll.l.il^i.M.lLllj tm THE "CALIMALA" GUILD 111 On the Eve of St John Baptist, — the Patron Saint of Florence, — every member of the Guild >vas required to visit the church, and to deposit a wax candle of the weight of nearly half a pound as an oflTering to the Patron Saint. The " Merchants of the CaUnuJa " bound them^lves never to use blasphemous language. Usury was forbidden " because it is a sin specially displeasing to God." Among the pious uses of the Guild were nunierops annual contributions to the monasteries of money and gifts in kind for the relief of the poor and sick of the city. Several hospitals also were maintained at the cost of the '' Calimala." In matters of food and drink moderation and abstinence were advocated among all persons connected with the Guild. Forty pounds per annum was the very modest sum allocated for the table of the Consuls, who were boarded during their six months of office-at the expense of the Guild at the Residence in the Via di Calimala. The workmen employed by the ''Calimala " in the repairs and decoration of the churches of San Giovanni and of San Miniato al Monte were subject to strict rules of conduct They, and indeed all the members of the Guild, were admonished, under pain of heavy penalties, — including exclusion, — to maintain unblemished lives, and to treat women, children, and domestic servants with respect and kindness. The Second Part of the Statutes contains forty-five Sections, which have to do with legal questions, pecuniary matters, disputes affecting members of the Guild, rules of membership and apprenticeship, and r^ulations affecting trading companies and associations of operatives. The First Section deals with the powers of the Consuls, who are decreed to be supreme over all persons and causes within the Guild. Methods of procedure, employment of legal assistance, and obedience to the ruling of the Court of Consuls, are all fully explained. The Statutes dealing with the customs and laws of debtor and 112 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE creditor are emphatic, and provision is made for winding up estates in bankruptcy. The sale of a bankrupt's effects could only be made at the instance of the Consuls in Council. Earnest money, — ranging from ten to fifty per cent, — was due at the initial stage of all transactions, and payments are required to be made by instalment All receipts required the seal of a cashier, before whom they were signed, and they were attested by the Syndic of the Treasurer. Defaulting merchants, or agents, were posted at the Guild Office in the Via di Calimala ; but a time limit of ten days was allowed before resource to extreme measures. All disputes, whether with respect to the interpretation of Statutes and Bye-laws of the Guild, or of the associated companies, or affecting the interests or customs of the Guild, were submitted to the Consuls in Court A Special Commission of merchants was appointed by the Consuls, at their pleasure, to examine into all such matters. Merchants were not allowed to sell any other kind of cloth except that which was named in the Statutes, nor to export fine wool and any of the ingredients necessary for the industry. Sales were confined to the interior of shops, and pieces of cloth for sale were not permitted to be exposed outside. The exchange of stuffs between the warehouses of merchants was also forbidden. Nobody was authorized to deal in foreign cloth, unless furnished with the formal permission of the Consuls. Persons seeking sucfT authorization were required to make an affidavit, before the Guild Notary, of the respectability of their family connections, the integrity of their own character, and the probity of their pecuni- ary relations. Membership and participation in the privileges of the Guild were only obtainable through Matriculatien, as the formal and public recognition of the applicant's fitness. Accepted candidates made a money deposit by way of caution-money. They were required to have exercised, at least for one year previously, one or other of the callings in connection with the " Calimala** and to THE "CALIMALA" GUILD 113 have been in habitual attendance at the Offices of the Guild, and at the warehouses of members. Sponsors were required for good behaviour. The Matriculation-fee averaged four lire. Members of the Guild could introduce their sons without guarantees, and without the payment of fees, but they were held responsible for their good conduct until they had reached maturity. It was competent for the Consuls, upon advice of the Notary, and with the consent of the General and Special Councils, to withdraw the privileges of membership, but a full statement of delinquency was required to be prepared, and to be posted in the " Calimala " Offices. The property of absconding merchants was confiscated by the Guild, and disposed of as determined by the Consuls. Operative societies, or companies, were affiliated to the '' CaUmala " only with the view of avoiding confusion with similar organizations under the Wool Guild. Their privileges, and scope of operations, were strictly limited. No workmen, or group of workers, were permitted to work for both Guilds. The " Calimala " operatives were exclusively engaged in dealing with foreign-made woollen cloth. As a rule the " Calimala " employed sets of families rather than aggregates of individuals. The Statutes and Bye-laws of the " Calimala " are full of records of names and occupations where these limitations are obvious. On the other hand " Calimala " merchants welcomed the sons of merchants of the other Guilds, and especially of the Guilds of " Judges and Notaries " and " Doctors and Apothecaries." The sole condition of the apprenticeship in such cases was abstention from the avocation of the parents. Sometimes premiums were paid for introduction into the leading mercantile houses, but gener- ally a mutual arrangement was effected, which not unfrequently had a matrimonial alliance in view. Apprentices were obliged to be the offspring of Florentine parents, but the actual place of birth was immaterial. They were forbidden to work for other masters than their own. When living under their master's roof, — as was the rule, — they were not H 114 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE allowed to be about in the streets after the last stroke of the evening bell. Admission to the Guild, whether as apprentice or full work- man, required that the candidate should appear personally before the Consuls and a Special Council of twelve merchants, who gave their unanimous testimony that he was satisfactory and worthy.^ Against apprentices and work-people generally severe penalties were enforced for tale-bearing, idle gossip and stirring up quarrels. Prohibitive bye-laws were passed which made the use of indecent, blasphemous, injurious, and provocative language, within the neighbourhood of the Markets, Old and New, punishable by imprisonment. All games of chance were forbidden after dark upon any premises belonging to the Guild, or its affiliated associations of work-people. Wagering at any time was strictly forbidden. The only amusements tolerated indoors were Scacchi, — chess, Merella, -^-back-gammon, — and Tavole^ — draughts. It was only permissible to work in foreign cloth between the matins bell and that of vespers. Operatives were forbidden to roam from workshop to workshop seeking work. Those who worked at home, or at factories, outside the city proper, were not allowed to visit the offices of the Guild, nor the establishment of their employers in the " CalimcUa " district ; but were required to receive and deliver their pieces of cloth, and to make all com- plaints to the syndics and overseers of the Guild, in their respective neighbourhoods. Certain Sections of the Second Part of the Statutes treat of the deaths of members, and the arrangement of their affairs. Whenever a full member, an associate, an apprentice, or the son of a member not yet matriculated, at least of the age of eighteen, died, the Consuls did not sit in Court that day. All workshops as well as the Guild Offices were closed until after the funeral, only ilsportelloy — the wicket, — being open just as when looms were idle on a Festival. ^ Archivio di Calimala, Codex vi. i, R. 87, Statuti 1509. ^ 3 « 2 ft- 5 Cu O THE • CALIMALA ' GUILD 115 The Third Part of the Statutes has iifty-six Sections dealing with " le buane usanze di KalinuUa^^ — the customs, practices, and r^ulations of the " Caltfnala*' The First Section fixed the value of the denario^ — ^the standard coin of the Market, — and enacts that any deviation in value can only be authorized by the Consuls in Council. Several Sections treat of the methods of payment of accounts, the lengthof credits,etc These were, — ^touse our modem phrase, — *' bills " at three months, two months, eight days, or at sight, issued upon notice of the forwarding of cloth, whether for finishing through the agents of the '' Calimala " merchants from foreign sources, or handed to foreign buyers after completion of the process of improvement in Florence. It is distinctly stated that only cloth in whole pieces, imported from " beyond the mountains and from England," may be sold retail by merchants of the '' Calimala " in Florence, and by a fixed tariff; but they were permitted to sell remnants of any kind of cloth to the Retail Dealers. All pieces of foreign cloth which had been ''finished" in Florence by the workmen of the " Calimala** after receiving the official stamp of the Guild, were required to be put upon the market before the expiry of eight days. The reason of this is made clear by the Statute, which warns merchants against holding back stocks so as to raise the prices. At the time of the drafting of the Statutes, — 1 301- 1 309, — the price for dressed cloth of good quality was one silver florin per canna — inferior pieces were cheaper. The canna^ a yard measure, was the official standard. Sales were confined to the interiors of shops, and pieces and samples were not allowed to be exposed in doorways or windows. Very likely this was enacted in deference to representations of the Consuls of the Wool Guild, whose interests might have been prejudiced by rival sales of woollen-cloth. Garments made of foreign cloth, finished by the *' Calimala,* were prohibited as articles of merchandise in the markets of Florence. 116 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE Upon every piece 6r length of the finished cloth, of every kind and colour, was attached an official ticket or card, easily visible, bearing the fixed price, the name of the villa or factory, and the name of the maestro or maker. An officer was enjoined to traverse all the streets, and to visit all the houses, wherein the industry was carried on, to see that every detail of the work was fully up to the standards, or models, which were deposited in the central hall of the ^ CaUntala " Offices. All such matters were done with the utmost exactitude, and the smallest deviation, — even in the size, or the writing upon, the tickets, — was visited with fines and removal. Sometimes a manufacturer was wayward, but he had to pay for his folly by double fines, and, if he continued negligent, he lost his ^ BoUol^ — the Guild guarantee, — and his name was removed from the Guild-Roll. As early as 1292, the Consuls of the " Calimala " had received the ratifications of the Greater and the Special Councils of the Craft to their punishment of delinquents by fines and by striking ofl* the Matriculation Roisters all members, who transgressed the rules and customs of the Guild, together with their accomplices and the receivers of all ill^al material.^ Many Statutes in this Third Part are directed against fraud and irregularity in dealing. The aim of the " Calimala " was to conduct the business of the Guild in a strictly honourable and almost religious manner. Every contract begins with an ascription to the .Trinity, and supplicates the benevolent aid of Saint Mary and all the Saints. The well-known profanity whereby a dishonest or grasping salesman passed his canna along the piece whilst each name of the Trinity, or names of the Saints reckoned so many braccia^ — forearm lengths, — was constantly practised. Sales too by guess work on the part of the buyer, whereby a bid exceeding the actual value by Statute was accepted, was another scheme to defraud. Dipping cloth in water and, when soaked, stretching it beyond * Prow. i. 3, p. 112. THE " C ALIM ALA " GUILD 1 1 7 its standard length, and then selling it at the excess measurement, was a common trick in the baser shops. Sacchetti tells in one of his charming " Ncvelle " what happened to a certain Soccebonelli of Friuli, who went to buy some cloth. The merchant measured out four yards, but managed to steal some back again ; to cover the fraud he said to Soccebonelli : ''If you want to do well with this cloth, leave it to soak all night in water, and you will see how excellent it will become." Soccebonelli did as he was told, and then he took the cloth to the cutter, and asked him to measure it. " It seems to me," said the latter, " to be five braccta!' Socce- bonelli told how he had been cheated, but he gained little sym- pathy, indeed one man he met told him about a person "who bought a bracdo of Florentine cloth, kept it in water all night, and by next morning it had shrunk so that there was none of it left ! " ^ It was believed that many pieces of cloth,, which came from Milan, and other places, and which were sold before the bales were opened, were dyed there. Andrea del Castagno, — a naturalist- painter and cynical diarist, who lived 1390-1457, — writes as follows : — " I heard that a certain agent,— Giovanni del Volpe by name, — seeing that this sort of cloth sold well, thought of saving money for his firm by dyeing it in a cheaper and inferior way." Against all these and other sorts of fraud the Consuls con- stantly issued denunciations and penalties, the first offence counting for three gold florins, and the sale being pronounced null and void. Repetitions of dishonesty, or questionable dealing, were visited with still heavier fines, and even incurred suspension and expulsion from the Guild. The Fourth Part of the Statutes contains fifty-eight Sections, which deal exclusively with the election of the officers of the Guild and their functions. At the head were four Consuls, and a Treasurer, who were elected every six months by the votes of the Master-merchants generally, and confirmed by the Masters of the various Companies incorporated into, or affiliated to, the " CcUimala " Guild : — such as ^ G. Biagi, "Private Life of Renaissance Florentines," p. 33. 118 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE Dyers, Pressers, Cutters, Dressers, etc. Candidates had to be " adherents of the Parte Guelfa, lovers of the Holy Roman Church, and of untarnished reputation, in the Guild and in the Commune." The mode of election was as follows : — the names of eligible candidates were first inscribed upon paper and placed in an urn, whence, under the direction of three merchants chosen as scrutators for the purpose, the oldest merchant present drew five slips. The five candidates, thus selected, could not be partners in the same business house or company, nor associated with any of the retiring five officials. Electors, who were fully matriculated and active members of the Guild, resident within the Contado^ had, for each retail shop held by one individual, one vote ; whilst the possession of a whole- sale factory, gave the company two votes. The voting was by casting black and white beans. If any chosen candidate was '' white beaned " the three scrutators caused another selection of names to be drawn from the urn ; — and so on until the election was consummated. Failure on the part of merchants to attend, and to vote, was punishable by fines ; whilst those who were finally elected were obliged to serve their terms of office, or forfeit twenty-five lire. Each Consul received a salary of about forty /irf, and the Treasurer ten lire^ for their terms of office. The four Consuls were bound by strict rules. They were not allowed to go beyond the boundaries of the Contado^ except for religious purposes, or on behalf of the interests of the Guild — or, when so nominated, as ambassadors of the Republic to foreign States. The duties of the Consuls were : — (i) to grant matriculation to those whom they considered worthy ; (2) to decide civil and criminal suits between members of the craft, and their work- people ; (3) to protect the factories, shops, and agencies of the members of the Guild, whether at home or abroad ; (4) to assist merchants in the recovery of credits ; (5) to disburse the charities, and superintend the pious works of the Guild ; (6) to represent the Guild on all official and ceremonial occasions ; and (7) gener- COURT OF CONSULS, WITH NOTARIES AND LITIGANTS PIFTEENTH CKNTURY THE "CALIMALA" GUILD 119 ally to safeguard the interests of the Guild and of its individual members. The Consuls were also called upon to nominate repre- sentatives of the Guild in all foreign countries, with which there were commercial relations. Lastly they had authority to appoint, when necessary, a Court of Arbitration to settle all trade disputes, whether within or without the obedience of the " Calimala'' This court was composed of six influential merchants, to whom was entrusted the interpretation of the Statutes and Ordinances of the Guild. Every month the Consuls of the " Caltmala " met the Consuls or Heads of the other Guilds of the City, in consultation, upon general commercial matters preparatory to the preservation of measures and provisions to the Council of State. These meet- ings bore a political aspect, and were all powerful in the govern- ment of the Republic. The Consuls were assisted in the exercise of their functions by two Councils. The first, — called " General," — was composed of twelve members, — merchants belonging to separate houses or companies within the Guild. All matters of general interest were submitted, during three successive days, to this Council for approval or the reverse. The second Council, — styled " Special/' — had eighteen members, chosen from among master-merchants, who had knowledge of special departments in the operations of the Guild and the affiliated Crafts. To them were submitted by the General Council all matters which required expert advice ; their session also extended over three days. Their report was handed to the General Council, who, after arriving at a final decision, placed the matter before the Consuls. To avoid packing the Councils no companies, or affiliated trades in connection with the " Caltmala^' were permitted to have more than two repre- sentatives. All votes were taken by means of beans. The Treasurer, who was required to be at least thirty years of age, was called upon to deposit a sum of one hundred Ure^ by way of caution money upon taking office. To his chaise were 120 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE committed the cash books and the keys of the Guild. He was not allowed, however, to make any payments on behalf of the Guild, without the approval of all four Consuls. To prevent undue influence, and to protect him from claims and bribes, no member of his family, or of his company, was eligible to succeed him until two whole years had passed after his term of office had expired. In addition to these principal officers there were a number of officials who assisted them in the discharge of their duties : — 1. The Notary, — a member of the "Guild of Judges and Notaries " — was attached to the persons of the Consuls. He was always non- Florentine by birth and training, and was forbidden to be on social terms with the members of the Guild, and on no account to eat or drink with them ! He acted as spokesman for the Consuls in Court and at meetings — a very sensible arrange- ment seeing that there was no educational or elocutionary quali- fication for the superior office I It was his duty to instruct the Consuls in the execution of their functions, to explain to them the bearings of the Statutes, Provisions, and Bye -laws, etc., upon all questions of procedure, and to see that every regu- lation was duly observed by the Guildsmen at lai^e, and by the Consuls in particular. He was directed to render his report every month to a special panel of merchants — chosen by lot In cases where matters required investigation and correction, the report with notes was submitted to a second panel consisting of twelve master-merchants. His office was for one year, at the termination of which his acts and general conduct were reviewed by three experienced examiners. They imposed upon the unfor- tunate fellow, fines, in proportion to the heinousness of his dere- lictions of duty ; and, so far as we can discover. Notaries never escaped scot-free, nor, it goes without saying, were they ever recompensed for faithfulness and impeccability 1 2. The Treasurer, too, had an Assistant, or executive officer, whose title was Sindaco^ — perhaps Cashier. His duty was to check the current expenditure, and to keep the daily cash account THE " CALIMALA " GUILD 121 at the Headquarters of the Guild. All payments passed through his hands after their delegation by the Treasurer, and he acknow- ledged receipts of all kinds. To his charge consequently was committed the common seal of the " Calttnala** without the impres- sion of which no acts were deemed official. At the end of each day he submitted his report to the Treasurer, and transferred to him all cash in hand. 3. In the month of January each year, three Sindacatori or General Inspectors, were chosen from those who had already served the offices of Consul or Treasurer. Their duty was: (i) to check the acts of officers of the Guild ; (2) to expose irregularities and to publish the names of oflenders ; (3) to institute legal proceedings against such persons ; (4) to endorse good government and praiseworthy services ; and (5) generally to point but and prevent impositions of all kinds. 4. Once a year also twelve master-merchants, called Statutariy were empanelled for five days, — generally in December, — and housed and fed at the expense of the Guild. Their functions were to examine carefully the wording, and the sense of each Statute, with a view to any correction, or alteration, required in furtherance of new objects and interests connected with the Guild. They were called upon to read the charters of incorporation, and the r^ulations of affiliated companies of workpeople, and to listen to any complaints or requests made by them. Their labours were not ended until they had issued, in the vernacular, all additions or alterations, suggested or agreed to, and had posted them for public examination at the Offices of the Guild. Minor offices were Nunzii — Heralds, Corrieri — Couriers, and Chiavari — Registrars. The first, — two in number, — made public proclamation of the acts of the Consuls, and published all matters necessary for the members of the Guild and their workpeople to know. There, were three Corrieri — two travelled between Florence and France, and one between Florence and Rome. Their duty was to fix, upon the spot, the amount of earnest money in all 122 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE transactions of the merchants, and to hand over the balance, or to receive the same, upon the completion of all contracts and orders. The Chtavari were Registrars of population, member- ship, deaths, wills, etc., as well as auditors of the cash-accounts of the affiliated operative companies. They kept the keys of all the minor offices, and acted as cashiers for deposits by work- people and small dealers made in the Guild Treasury. Their number varied according to circumstances. Besides these officials there were small Committees of merchants appointed from time to time, who scheduled the wage-tables of operatives employed by the " Calimala'* They superintended the numbering and labelling of foreign cloth before and after it had been finished in Florence. Once a year, in July, two merchants were deputed to fix the price of dyeing, to which all dyers were bound to adhere, unless, of course, they chose to take lower prices on their own account. The testing of weights and measures belonged to the care of another sub-committee, together with the examination of cloth lengths for the prevention of short measure, deficient weight, and inferior quality. The watching, cleaning, and lighting of the vicinity of the Residence of the Consuls was in the hands of a Watch Com- mittee of three or four members, who employed twenty or more sbirri or watchmen for the purpose, each armed with a stout staff and a lantern. Members of the Guild and their workpeople were subject to severe disciplinary measures, with respect to their behaviour in the streets, particularly in the Via di Calimala and in the Mercato Nuovo. The entertainment of friends and social inter- course were subject to restrictions. The Consuls had plenary powers for dealing with all unruly citizens. Fines and imprison- ment in the Stinche — city prison — were impartially served out to friend and foe alike. The Fifth Part of the Statutes treats, in twenty Sections, of the Sensali — Brokers or agents, the Tintori — Dyers, the Racamciatori THE " CALIMALA " GUILD 123 — Patchers,the TagUatari — Cutters, the A>^aA?« — Folders,and the Compiiari — Finishers employed by the merchants of the " Calimalar The duties of the Sensali were to inspect all imports of foreign cloth on arrival, and to distribute it to the various associations of workpeople. Within twenty-four hours of delivery in Florence at the Offices of the Guild, Peritidelt Arte di Calimalay — experts, — made a careful examination of every piece of foreign cloth, with respect to quality of wool, manner of manufacture, and length and weight Satisfactory pieces were at once sent on to the work- shops, whilst those which failed to satisfy the requirements of the trade were set apart for further consideration. Any citizen might be admitted to the position of Sensak who had a good character for piety in religion and uprightness in his business capacity. Such were required before being enrolled upon the books of the ''Calimala^ to give personal security in money, and bail in the persons of their friends. They had to render, once a month, to the Consuls sitting at the Residence, a detailed report of their operations with respect to the origin and condition of all cloth received, and to the pro- cesses to which it had been subjected. Their report also was the medium of complaints made by the work-people, and of delin- quencies on the part of those with whom the Sensali had dealings. The first operation in the treatment of foreign cloth was not the actual dyeing, but the preparation of the pieces for that pro- cess. When first unrolled they were generally found to be covered with knots and blemishes which coarsened the surface. These required the very greatest care to eradicate and smooth over, and' this process was carried through by women as well as men, who used very fine plyers and needles and hot irons. Some- times even darning was necessary, but this had to be done with extreme delicacy, and with foreign wool of exactly the same quality as the piece.* 1 N^: Three old " 7Vni/tf/(,"~FalliDg-Mills,— beloi^Dg to members of the Guild were still staDding in 1898 : — in the Via de' Servi, del Castelluccio, and degli Al&ni — each bearing the name of **d€ir j4fuila" — ^the Eagle = the arms, or trade mark, of the GmM. 124 THE GUILDS OF .FLORENCE The Dyers of the " Calimala " were required to weigh and measure all pieces of foreign cloth directly they received them from the Sensalu No piece of cloth was handed over to the dyeing cauldrons until it had been inspected in detail by the foreman of that group of workers. Most foreign cloth, by reason of its finer texture, — in which it greatly surpassed the native manufacture, — was also far more sympathetic in the absorption of colour- ing matter, and in the production of far more beautiful tints. After being dipped many times, and stirred by the introduction of smooth wooden poles, in the colour bath, the pieces were hung up to dry, stretched on frames. The opinion of expert dyers was asked at this stage, and attention was paid to fashion and fashion's behests. Every faulty piece was at once returned to the cauldron for a further soaking. Upon a successful result in the dyeing process, the pieces of cloth were again weighed and measured by the Sensali, Losses in weight and dimension were charged to the Dyers, who had the power of recovery by a fixed set-off price against shrinkage. The introduction of dyes and dyeing materials, and the rules concerning their use, were immediately under the administration of the merchants of the " Calimala^ Vegetable dyes only were BXPERIMBNTING WITH DYBS. SIXTEENTH CENTURY. THE • CALIMALA " GUILD 125 employed, and they were sought in every accessible land. The time and abilities of the most prominent citizens were given ungrudgingly to the discovery of new colouring plants and to their export to Florence. The acquisition of a new dye was just as much a question of State policy as was that of obtaining mordants and other adjuncts of the dyeing industry. The war with Volterra, for example, was made solely for the possession of the famous alum pits of that district, the use of which material was essential. The chief plants used for dyeing were Guado or woad — for blue, Robbia or madder — for red, and OriceUo or white moss — for scarlet Woad grew in abundance all about Florence, but careful cultivation produced a wealth of growth, and ensured a richness of product, that made its rearing a lucrative employment along the countryside. Madder, too, was common enough in Tuscany, but the finest kind was found in the neighbourhood of Rome, where it had been a speciality ever since the time of Pliny.^ The country about Chiana, and the valley of the Tiber, produced, in the fifteenth century, madder to the value of many thousand florins, almost all of which was bought up by the " Calimala " merchants.* Very much madder was imported from the valley of the Rhone. The introduction of White Moss was due to a Florentine *^ Calimala " merchant named Bernardo, or Nardo, Alamanno. His discovery of its property as a colouring medium was due to mere chance. He observed during a commercial exploration in the Levant, in 1261, that a little plant, when moistened with uric acid, gave out a crimson-violet liquid. Experimenting with this colouring matter he soon noted its value for distinction of hue and fastness of stain. Bernardo accordingly made up a goodly bale of the moss and took it back with him to Florence. Once home he called in the assistance of some members of the " Guild of Doctors and Apothecaries," and presently the eyes * Pliny, Lib. xix. c 3. ^ Targioni-Tozzetti, " Viaggi in Toscana." 126 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE of the inspectors of the " CaUmala " opened wide at the brilliancy of the new dye. Nothing so splendid had ever been seen in a Florentine dye-shop. The fortune of Bernardo was made, and he assumed for his family the cognomen of '' Rucellat^* which his descendants still retain, carrying on to-day in Florence their ancestral industry. One of his most famous descendants, Giovanni Rucellai, was a perfect type of the noble merchant who valued the dignity of his position. He not only knew the secret of making money, but he also understood how to spend it well. " I think," he wrote in his '' Zibaldonel' — ^** Stray-thoughts," — "that it has brought me more honour to have spent well than earned well." The method of extracting the superb scarlet-purple dye was very simple. Bunches of oricello were cut after flowering, and hung up in the sun to dry. The dried moss was then reduced to very fine powder, in a mortar, and mixed in a wooden vessel with a sprinkling of sour wine. Whilst stirring Uric acid was added gradually, and the mixture was well shaken once a day. To this liquid soda-ash was added, in the proportion of twelve parts to one of the powder, and the whole was filtered through chalk or lime. The utmost stringency was enforced upon dyers to ensure the perfection of the colours. Only the purest and most expensive qualities were allowed to be used in the treatment of the finest cloths. Woad was guarded with as much care as the white moss. No one was allowed to sell it outside the membership of the Guild, under penalty of a fine of five hundred pounds (;f 20). Each dye had its strict sale price and official quotation in the markets. The privilege of selling colouring ingredients of all kinds for the purpose of dyeing woollen cloth was possessed exclusively by certain members of the Guild, and all other persons were for- bidden to offer such for sale. There is a note in the Florentine Archives to the effect that in the year 1347 a Company of " CaUmala'^ merchants sold, to two merchants of Valencia, forty-four thousand pounds weight of woad for a sum of eight hundred gold florins {£^oo)> ^ S. L. Peruzzi, p. 95. THE "CALIMALA" GUILD 127 The export of robbia, beyond the limits of the State — especially what was called "rf/ Romandiolal^ — was strictly pro- hibited by a Rubric in the Statutes of 141 5, a fine being imposed in fractions of one hundred lire} It was forbidden, moreover, to pass off one colour for another, and to imitate recognised tints, by a blending of various shades so as to deceive the dyer or the purchaser. Cochineal, Brazil-wood, and various other dyeing ingredients were used for other cloths than those classed as " the finest." Blending of colours was quite allowable, when special names were attached to cloth so dyed ; but all such names were required to be written on large white labels, and fastened upon each length or roll. Madder might be used freely in dyeing cloths other than fine white or grey of foreign manufacture, which were classed as ScarlatHnu The favourite colour, — Scarlatto (Toricello as it was called, — in the fourteenth, fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, was a rich purple red, the product of the oricello dye, with a small admixture of madder. This shade was prescribed for all robes of state and for ceremonial tapestries and hangings. It was also used for the herretta, or cap, worn by all who had the right of entry to the Superior Courts. This scarlet colour was most carefully guarded. Any dyer who ventured to produce ''Scarlatto di Colpol* — imitation scarlet, — was excluded from his trade, and all pieces of cloth so dyed were seized and burnt. Tuscan painters have preserved to us this rich colour in the backgrounds of their pictures and in the garments of their figures. As early as 1279 ^^ pre-eminence of the Florentine dyers was affirmed by a correspondence which was conducted between the Papal Court and the Consuls of the ''Calimala'' Guild. The latter maintained the exclusive right of the Florentine dyers to dye and to finish the cloth used for the red robes of the Cardinals, and for other ecclesiastical purposes where that descrip- tion of cloth and colour was used. The dyers of Florence rapidly became famous the world over ' Statuta Florentiae, Rub. clxxii., 141 5. V 128 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE Rosetti says : " The Venetians must confess that they have learnt their art from the Florentines." ^ Their skill and care are evi- denced to-day also by the fineness of condition, and freshness of colour of the hangings, tapestries, banners, costumes, etc etc., — which are preserved to us in many of the public museums and private collections. They rival, if indeed they do not surpass, the best workmanship of the present day. When dry, the cloth which was considered sufficiently and satisfactorily dyed was taken in hand by the Cutters, Patchers, and Piecers, who prepared the pieces for the final stage of its manipulation. These workpeople were often of inferior ability, and, as their work was comparatively easy and unimportant, they were very indifTerently paid. Nevertheless their handiwork was rigorously inspected by the foremen of the Folders and Finishers lest they should make blunders in cutting the prescribed lengths of the pieces, and in joining pieces of cloth of dissimilar quality and shade of colour. Scrutiny was also exercised very keenly concerning remnants and cuttings, which might serve as market- able commodities for the Rigattieri or Retail Cloth-dealers and other hucksters of the markets. Patching was only resorted to in the second qualities of foreign cloth. The aim of the process was to hand on to the Folders and Finishers a perfectly even texture. The Folders and Finishers were, along with the Dyers, the most important and most highly instructed of the labouring classes of Florence. They had first to detect and set right the blunders of the intermediate workers and their slipshod ways. Constant jealousies raged between the two sets of operatives, the former chaffing the latter for their fastidiousness, and the latter chiding the former for their carelessness. The Folders were required to test once more the weights and measures of the pieces of cloth, and to note the various qualities with a view to their several destinations. In the case of transit the rolls and pieces had to be folded in a peculiar way, which ' G. Venturi Rosetti, "U Arte del Tingerc." THE -CALIMALA" GUILD 129 should do nothing to disturb the " nap " of the cloth, or cause friction. The Finishers had to smooth the cloth and correct its surface^ by the employment of heat either applied by weighted rollers, or by heated flat-irons. The methods which they used have never been exactly stated, but that they were laborious, and not a little technical, may be gath- ered from the fact that every yard of finished cloth was submitted to rigorous examination. A special Committee of Experts, entitled, JJfficiali delle Macchie e Magagne^ — Inspectors of Spots and Blemishes, — was employed by the " Calimala " Guild to go the round of the Cloth Finishers' workrooms to test the cloth in hand under every condition. Work, whether cutting, piecing, patching, finish- ing and folding, was submitted to the minu- test examination. Inferior workmanship, presence of blemishes and roughness of surface were all heavily penalised. Fines were imposed, and, in case of non-payment, the whole guarantee or bail of the delinquent, or a portion of it, could be seized. The defaulters' names were posted at the " Calimala " Oflices, and in serious cases they were deprived of the right to prosecute their trade within the boundaries of the city. Such then were the Statutes of the ''Calimala'* GnM, and such their interpretation and uses which, promulgated in the / 1 FINISHING CLOTH. SIXTEENTH CBNTURY. 180 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE first decade of the fourteenth century, and many times revised / and added to in the succeeding centuries, became the substance / of the Constitutions of all the other Guilds. • ••••••> In documents preserved in 'the Florence Libraries, and among the archives of many noble families, very interesting notices are to be found, treating of the members, their duties, their charities, and of the general progress of the Guild. Among them are many directions dating from the middle of the twelfth century concern- ing the upkeep, decoration, etc., of the Baptistery of San Giovanni ; and records of the purchase and sales of land in 1192, 1193, and 1 2 16, on behalf of the Hospital of Sant' Eusebio. In 1228 and 1237 many Provvisianiy or agreements, were made with respect to the ancient Church of San Miniato al Monte, which was placed under the protection of the " CcUitnalar In the latter year the cere- mony of taking an oath by all members of the Guild was enjoined. This oath, which was registered before the Consuls, bound each member to observe for the year all the regulations and bye-laws, customs, and privileges, of the Guild. Th^ constitution of the first Florentine mercantile company was, in connection with, and under the auspices of the " CalimcUa!^ The Prowisione creating it bears date 1234, and it was enrolled for the sale of foreign cloth after it had been redressed and finished by the workmen connected with the Guild. One of the earliest companies was that of the Scali, which failed in 1326, after being in existence for nearly one hundred years. In a Codex of the fourteenth century the following list is given of mercantile companies, working in correspondence with the " Calimala'' Guild ^ :—de' Canigiani, degli Spini. de' Migliori de* Guad^ni, di Lapo Bounagrazia, di Buonaccorso Soldini, de' Marino Soldani, di Diotifici Filippi, di Lapo Marini, di Lapo Soldini^ di Simone Giamini, and di Diotisalvi Artimisi. A parch- ment of the year 1 300 contains twenty-one other names, including Cenchi, Bardi, Pazzi, Frescobaldi, Peruzzi, Scali, and Nerli. , "^ Archivio del Suto di Firenze, Sututi dell' Arti, 1301* UNO AMICO MANGANO~\^ OLD ROLLING MILL FOR FINISHING FOREIGN CLOTH THE "CALIMALA" GUILD 131 It should be remembered that the " Calimala " merchants dealt with foreignrmade cloth only. It was expressly prohibited for them to dress, finish, keep, or sell, cloth manufactured in Florence. This regulation was due not only to the risk of damage to the native industry in wool-weaving under the Guild of Woollen Merchants, but it was also a necessary precaution against difficulties with the operatives. There was, as might have been expected, a constant danger of confusion and friction between the agents and the workpeople employed by the Guilds. Many Prowistoni^ or regulations, were passed to minimise and to remove all clashings of interests Separate communities of Dyers, Piecers, Patchers, Cutters, Folders, and Finishers, were established in connection with the ** Calimala " merchants, in order to prevent workpeople engaging themselves under the two Guilds. On no account would a ^* Calimala " merchant employ an operative who did not belong to a " Calimala " organisation. There was also from time to time friction between the merchants and workpeople attached to the " Par Santa Maria " — " the Guild of Silk Manufacturers." This Guild had also dyers, carders, and other operatives, as well as agents and salesmen. In 1324 mutual arrangements were made whereby certain associations of operatives, and certain workshops and stalls for the sale of the merchandise of the two Guilds, were set apart so as to avoid the dashing of interests. The same year saw too the first official Register of " Calimala " merchants in foreign lands. With respect to the foreign relations of the merchants of the '* Calimala '* there were equally precise and minute regulations as there were concerning the details of the home industry. By the end of the thirteenth century there was not a country in Europe where Florentines were not the chief controllers of ^ade. The *' Calimala " Consuls obtained the authorization of the Government of the Republic to establish Agencies in ^11 the principal wool-producing and cloth - manufacturing centres. 132 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE One of the agents of the ^ Calimala " Guild, who travelled far and wide, was Guido di Filippo di Ghidone dell' Antella. He was bom in Florence in 1254, and has left the " Ricordanze," ^ or diary, of his journeys and experiences. In 1267 he went, he says, to Genoa on business connected with the Company of Lamberto dell' Antella, and dwelt there eighteen months. In. 1270 the Company of Rinuccio Cittadini sent him to Venice, and there he remained two years. With his father he visited Ravenna in 1273 on business connected with a loan. His next employ- ment was at home — five years in the office of Lamberto deir Antella, and twelve years in the counting-house of the Scali Company. During the last period he was sent as representative of his house at various times to Pisa, to Naples, to St Jean d'Acre, into France, and to the Court of the Pope. Leaving the Scali, of which company he had been made a partner in 1290, he lived in France three years, working with the Franzesi. In 129& with two partners, Neri Filippi and Lapo Ciedemi, he rented a. tavoUiy — banker's table, — in the Mercato Nuovo from the banking house of Baccherelli. Two years later he threw in his lot with Giovanni de' Cerchi and his Company, but quitted them in 1301 when the quarrel between the Cerchi {Bianchi) and the Donati (Neri) began. In every part of France, — which now became a second Fatherland to the Florentines, — the " Calimala " merchants had agencies : — in Tile de France — Paris, and St Denis ; in Cham- pagne— Provins, Lagny, and Troyes ; in Berri — Bourges ; in Provence — Marseilles, Toulon, Aries, Saint Gilles, and Avignon ; in Languedoc — Nlmes, Montpellier, Narbonne, B6ziers, Perpignan^ Carcassonne, and Toulouse. In all these places Florentine agents and traders abounded,, receiving and executing orders, and, whilst they rendered obedience to the laws of the land wherein they resided, they laboured under the same regulations as these which ruled their countrymen at home. The agency at Ntmes was established in 1 296, and that ^ Archivio Storioo Italiano, I. Series^ toI. iv. p. 5. THE "CALIMALA" GUILD 133 in Paris in 1 325, — the same year which saw Montpellier become a residential and commercial centre for Florentines. The French agencies were placed under the direction of a resident Consul, or Consuls, — for later on there were two or three such magistrates, — chosen by the votes of the resident ^^ Ctilimala'' merchants and traders. They were received at the Court of the King, and treated with the honours of an am- bassador from a foreign power. Their duties and powers were exactly simi- lar to those of the Consuls in Florence. They had jurisdiction over posts, couriers, and communica- tions of every kind. They confirmed dates, routes, and payments, for all com- mercial travellers, and re- ceived reports as to the transit of merchandise. They also controlled all transactions between mer- chants of the Guild and native traders at the country wool-sales and cloth-fairs, which were very especially in Champagne. In these and other multitudinous duties the Consuls were assisted, as in Florence, by Councils and officials of various degrees. Appeals were allowed to the Court of the Consuls in Florence, and the ruling of these Magistrates was accepted as final. Paris was, of course, the central seat of the ^'CeUimala'* Guild in France, and there the scions of many influential mercantile houses MBRCHANTS BARGAINING OVBR BALES OF CLOTH. SIXTBBNTH CBNTURY. numerous all over France, and 134 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE were employed from time to time. Among the more famous were Brunetto Latini» Cino da Pistoja, Dante, Petrarch, Boccaccio and the Giovanni Villani. Pieces of cloth consigned to Florence were carefully measured and weighed before despatch. Each bore in two places the seal of the agency, making the consignment, and, in addition, a label indicating the length, the width, the price in gold florins, the name of the manufacturer, and the name of the town of origin. From ten to twelve pieces made a torseUo or bale, which was wrapped in felt, and covered with two thicknesses of canvas sacking. The bales were conveyed generally direct to one or other of the General Depots at Narbonne, Montpellier or Mar- seilles, and thence, after inspection by " Surveyors of cloth-in* transit," stationed at each centre, despatched to Florence. The twofold trade of the ** CcUimcUa *' merchants in the purchase of native cloth, with its transport to Florence for redressing, and the sale of finished pieces received from the workshops of the Guild, was of course not confined to France alone. Agencies and ofHces were opened in Italy, in Spain, in Portugal, in Flanders, in England and in Germany. The following is a copy of an invoice of the contents of a torsello — forwarded from Avignon by Piero di Borgog^one and Company to Albert! di Borgognone, their principal in Florence^ by way of Nice, under date December 14th, 1348 ^: — " Nel Torsello s^nato I. si tra — I Melle (piece of cloth) violetto di Borsella da Gian di Lintotto. I Bianco di Borsella de' p : e di macchero. I Melle verdetto di Borsella Gilts taccho. I Violetto di Borsella Gilis di Veduena. I Violetto di Bors : Gian di Businghen. I Melle Alcipresso di Bors : Gian fenpo. I I Scarlattini di Loano Gualteri Vilignalla. I Verde fistichino di Loano franco Randolfo. ^ G. F. Pagnini, rol. ti. p. 99. THE "CALIMALA" GUILD 135 I McUe bruschino Domenico Pietro Vanselfelt. I Melle mandorlato d'Ordinaido d' Angela Chiaro. I Nera di Bemai nibino nattino. I Bigio di Guanto Gran locrano. ^ fu qiiesto per invoglia, ebbevi feltro, e tela doppia (packed in felt and double corded). Segnato II. Soretti e uno Cappucia di Cafaggino di Gherardo." This bale consequently contained thirteen pieces of cloth and also a garment and hood for a special customer. Francesco Balducci says ^ that only ten pieces went to a bale. The Guild of " Calimala " forbade its members to give credit beyond three months under severe penalties for non-observance. Later on the time was extended to six months for consignments of foreign cloth to or from Florence, and to eight for bales of wool from beyond the seas. Under date 1338 Villani « records that:— "the 'Calimala" merchants receive annually more than ten thousand pieces of cloth» from over the mountains and from France, to be improved in Florence. Their value exceeds three hundred thousand gold florins, all sold in Florence, without including such as was sent out of the city, and sold in the East, along the Mediterranean and in all the principal cities of Europe." The demand for the finished cloths of Florence became enormous, and there was consequently a tendency to keep up the prices not alone of the commodity, but of the freights. This condition of things culminated in the middle of the fifteenth century, when the means of communication became more ex- tended, and the business relations of the " Calimala " merchants increased prodigiously. To retain their hold upon the markets of Europe, they absolutely forbade the emigration of skilled workpeople, and the export of materials, and objects pertaining to the Guilds.' Heavy ^ " Manoale del Mercante Fiorentino," torn. 2, p. 45. ' G. VUlani, Lib. xi. cap. 94. ' Villani, xi. 5. 136 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE rates were charged upon cloth manufactured in, and finished for, countries which erected tariffs against Florence ; as much as five gold florins was the impost for pieces of thirty-four braccia in length.^ "The objects of this policy, as Pagnini rightly says,^ was to create reciprocity, to prevent competition, to check the output, and to limit the traffic." The " CalinuUa " Consuls and Council in their corporate capacity, and also the individual companies of merchants, were accustomed to send Visiting Inspectors from time to time on tour to look after the interests of the Guild and of the Trade. Matters which concerned private interest and enterprise were no more thoroughly investigated than questions of international importance. The dangers to which merchants and agents were exposed at the hands of hostile and oppressive rulers of foreign states, or con- trollers of foreign manufactures, were plainly indicated by the seizure, in 1 271, by order of King Philippe le Bel,* of all Floren- tine traders in France. He and his rapacious counsellors extorted heavy ransoms, making no discrimination between honest and fraudulent merchants.^ The Visiting Inspectors had no light work to do, but they entered upon their adventurous undertakings bravely. They generally started on the journey in companies, and were joined by others desiring to visit France and other European states for business or for pleasure. The sole means of locomotion was by horseback. Gaily attired, and accompanied by their wives and other lady friends, and many retainers, and much baggage, the cavalcades assumed imposing dimensions, and became occasions of much revelry and of many adventures. When time hung heavy, or when darkness set in, a common occupation was to count their beads and to recite Pater-Nosters in fulfilment of vows taken before they started 1 SUtutes 1309-1316^ Bk. i?. 3. ^ Pagnini, vol. ii. 88. ' NoU: Dante calls Philippe le Bel ^' Mai di Fratuia^'* Evil Star of France.— ** Purgatorio," canto vi. * G. Villani, vii. c. i and 6. THE "CALIMALA" GUILD 137 at the altars of their Patron Saints. Every voys^er had also before leaving his casa^ or his poderty or his villa^ taken the wise precaution of making his will, and of committing his soul, and all his earthly belongings too, to the protection of St Mary and St John the Baptist The fame of the Florentine cloth was vastly enhanced by the high reputation of the *' Calimala " merchants. Whilst eagerly seizing every opportunity for self-enrichment and for the aggran* disement of their beloved city, and the honour of their Guild, they were, all the while, quite remarkable for self-restraint and nobleness of character. Between the years 1401 and 1548 we find, in the public records, that the following families contributed most members to the Guild : — Altoviti, 108 ; Strozzi, 107 ; Marbegli, 75 ; Ghiudetti, 72 ; Acciaiuoli, 71 ; Capponi, 61 ; Nasi, 59 ; and Solderini, 55. The names also of the following appear many times : — Alberti, Albizzi, Adimari, Amidei, Buondelmonti, Cerchi, Frescobaldi, Guicciardini, Lamberti, Medici, Pazzi, Peruzzi, Ridolfi, Ricci, Spini, Tomabuoni, Vettori, and Villani. Still earlier families were Cavalcanti, Donati, Bardi, Corsini, Rinucci, Pucci, Ardinghetti, Rinuccini, Chermonisti, Bandinelli, Buonaccorsi, and Dell' Antella. All Europe looked on amazed at the enterprise, the wealth, and the power of the city on the Amo, and for many a long day no merchants and no manufacturers but hers ruled the inter- national commerce of the world. The methods and the secrets of their craft had the " Calimala " merchants safely guarded, but there was springing up in England and in Flanders a spirit like unto their own. There was no reason why other men should not do what the Florentines had done, and many a student, and many a statesman, as well as many a trader, set their minds to work to find out the why and wherefore of the ascendancy of Florence. England stepped first of all into the arena, and, under Henry VII., a law was passed by the British Parliament to prohibit the export of unshorn cloth. Other countries followed suit This 138 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE was a blow to Florence from which she never recovered, for, together with the prohibition of export, there appeared upon the scene native workmen, who had learnt something of the methods of the Florentines. Before she had got over the effects of adverse legislation and treatment on the part of her erstwhile customers the Grand Duke Cosimo I., with fine old Florentine protectionist instinct, issued, in 1 561, a decree of the Government, which forbade the importation of seiges and light woollen cloths from England and Flanders 1 This action was by way of " cutting off one's nose to vex one's face ! " This was a final and a deadly blow, and the whole stately edifice of the " Arte e Universita (U Mercanti di CalitncUa " tottered to its fall! In 1359 the State had bestowed upon the *' Caltmala'' Guild a site for the erection of a Residence for the Consuls and their Courts, in lieu of their narrow quarters in the old Cavalcanti Palace. The doors of this Temple of Commerce were opened in prosperous times, but they were closed in days of waning power. Who closed them, or when they were shut, — never to open s^ain, — no historian has recorded. After the Republic was abolished, in the year 1532, the grand old Guild drooped slowly but surely, but its death and burial are alike unnoted, and no Scrivano has left even one word to tell of its last moments. The *' CaUmcUa " Guild had held a preponderating position — industrial, commercial, social, and political, in the history of Florence for five hundred years and more! ARMS OF "THK C.UII.D OF C AI.IMALA - K.ViLK AND BALK OF CLOTH Chapter V THE GUILD OF WOOL VARTE E UNIVEB8ITA DELIA LANA I. Origin.— Wool the oldest textile industry. A quaint old ''Tract." An ancient Florentine document The Countess Matilda. A fulling-mill of 1062. Early workers in wool. Actual origin of Guild uncertain. Destruction of documents by Ciompi in 1378. Home consumption. Foreign markets. Two sections of original craftsmen. Sei>aration of " Calimala " merchants. II. Constitution.— Similar to that of " Calimala " Guild. Particular legis- lation to avoid confusion. Code of 1 301- 1309. Duties of SHmatori and Sensali. Adulterations. Standard weights and measures. Payments in ad* vance. Letters of credit. Many revisions of the Statutes. III. The Umiuati.— Their influence, methods of work, and example. Borgo d'Ognissanti workshops and workpeople. Great encouragement of wool industry. A new bridge. ^Pittiglioso!^ The Cascine. An anachronism. The '* Brethren " retire from business. IV. Development of the Guild.— Many classes of workpeople. Pro- cesses. The Carding-comb. Dyers. Cost of dyeing. The Duke of Athens. Favourable regulations. Good wages. Fixity of tenure. Pawning. Noises. Games. Emigration. An old loom. Supply of wool. Inferiority of Tuscan products. Lana di Garbo, Trade with Great Britain. Prices of raw wool Freights. Tariffs. Wool sales. Transport. Leonardo da Vinci's ship-canaL Description of woven cloths. Allied mechanical trades. Foreign workpeople welcomed. Florence covered with cloth. Prosperity. Cloth sales. Residence tettura," written by Giovanni Paolo Lomazzo, — painter of Milan, ---with the sententious legend out of Ecclesiastes : " In the hands of the skilful shall the work be approved/' there is the following quaint reason for the existence of the wool industry^ : — 1 Pnblished in Engliih. Oxford, 1598. <39 140 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE '' In so much as our bodies being borne naked by Nature were diversly annoyed by the intemperateness of the ayre, it most in- geniously invented the Art of Weaving and Tailery ; not so much for defence and safegarde of our bodies from iniury of the wether, as for ornament and decencie ; and to the selfe same end hath it also found out (in a word) all the other Mechanical Artes/' The historical records of every civilized nation give early and prominent position to the working of, and the trading in wool. The Persians, the Egyptians, the Greeks, and the Romans, — the great civilizing and commercial races of the world, — used and improved the manufacture of woollen cloth. Under the universal dominion of the latter power the extension of the woollen industry syn- chronised with that of military and civil jurisdiction, — the trade, then as now, followed the flag. The first reliable notices of the woollen industry in Tuscany present it to us as already in a flourishing condition, and giving employment to the majority of the inhabitants of the towns and villages. From a document,^ dated May lO, 846, it appears that the weaving of wool was carried on in Lucca, under terms of trade association, and with a code of regulations. We may fairly presume that Florence was not far behind her neighbour in the matter of date. The capital of an enlightened succession of Marquises and Dukes of Tuscany, we may be sure that the principal industry of all time was not without encouragement and co-operation, within the limits of her influence and jurisdiction, during the ninth, tenth, and eleventh centuries. Under the beneficent rule of the Countess Matilda the prosperity of Florence advanced greatly. The workmen at her looms and the merchants in her marts spread her fame far and wide. The Commune became a Republic of Industry and Commerce, and her wool merchants and manufacturers were enrolled among the earliest of the Consuls. ^ Peruzd, p. 64. THE GUILD OF WOOL 141 Among the many trades which were actively prosecuted in the eleventh and twelfth centuries the following are noted in the portions of the State Archives which are preserved : — " 1062. Guakhiera — a fulling-mill." " 1096. Petrus — tentore — wool dyer." " 1 1 36. Scartone — pettinario — woollen-comb maker." " 1 1 48. Petrus fil. Petri — pelliparius — cloth-presser." " 1 193. Guerius — tonditor — sheep-shearer." The scenes of these early industries was well within the Secondo Cerchio, — Second Wall, — of 1074 : security of life and pro- perty not being assured in the Contado beyond. In the Prato, — which along with Monte Orlando, — was enclosed within the city's boundaries, in 1 1 07, were located a great number of workers in wool. The dressing of wool was also carried on in Via Alfani, Via dei Servi, Via Ginori, Borgo Pinti, Via della Pergola, and in the Piazza delle Travi, in the twelfth century. In a State paper of the year 1 197 is a law concerning the cities and lands of Tuscany, wherein the people of Florence are described as : — ^** wool-workers from Olivero." ^ The precise date of the first incorporation of the " Guild of Wool," in Florence, is quite uncertain. Much of the knowledge we can obtain of its inauguration is from presumption, for during the memorable riots of the Ciompi in 1378, most of the documents of the Guild were destroyed by fire. This fact, taken in connection with the poverty of the remnants of the State Records, leaves us very much in the dark with respect to the initial organization and early development of the Guild. Perhaps the earliest record preserved is a list of the names of the Consuls up to the year 11 38.* Almost certainly the " Wool Guild " was the first Corporate Society or Trade Corporation in Florence, and was in existence before her wool and cloth merchants began to travel through ' L. Cantini, •* .Saggi," vol. iii. p. 73. * Pagntni, *< Della Decima," vol. ii. p. 83. 142 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE Europe. The output of the Florentine looms was in excess of the demand on the spot, consequently enterprising manufacturers looked abroad for markets. This development led to the division of the wool-workers of Florence, and the establishment of a separate Corporation of dealers and finishers of foreign-made cloth — the *' CcUinuUar In a very true sense the ^^Arte della iMtia'' was the mother of the ^^Arte di CalinuUa^' but as time went on, the greater profits obtainable by the latter drew into membership the more consider- able of the citizens, and hence the '* CaUtnala " merchants took the first place in wealth and influence, whilst native manufacturers had to be content with the second place. Notices of the Guild are frequent during the first thirty years of the thirteenth century, and the Consuls signed their names to Treaties with other States along with the Consuls of the Guilds of "Judges and Notaries," " Ca/ii«aAi," " Silk Merchants," and " Bankers." The organisation of the Wool Guild marched with that of the '' Calimala'\ merchants. Before the promulgation of the Statutes, — drafted 1 301-1309, — the "Guild of Wool" was ruled by Priors, later called Consuls, whose number in that year was eight. They had power to make regulations and laws for the direction and benefit of the Guild, and had full jurisdiction in all civil and criminal causes over all enrolled members. They were chosen by lot from among the most skilful masters of the craft. Matriculation followed the rule observed by the " Qalinuda " Guild, — qualifications of birth, education, and parental income, were necessary. The relations between the matriculated members of the Guild and the operatives, engaged in all the various pro- cesses of the wool industry, were quite the same for the two Guilds. About the year 1 300 three separate sets of master-merchants were empanelled to assist the Consuls in the execution of their WOMEN WORKERS IN WOOL KIKIKKNTH CKNIUKV THE GUILD OF WOOL 143 office. These were called Consiglieri^ — Advisers or counsellors, Regolatori — Officers of byelaws and regulations, 9Xi& Proweditori degU Ordini — Superintendents of enactments.^ The adoption of the Code of Statutes, enacted for general use by all the Guilds in 1 301-1309, was agreed to by the members of the Wool Guild almost in its entirety. At first sight it seems probable that difficulties and confusion would arise between the " Calimala " Guild and that of Wool. Certainly there were some inconveniences, at an early period, due to the similarity of the merchandise in which each was interested. However it was soon seen that the business of the former had exclusively to do with the finishing of foreign made woollen cloth, and had nothing in common with the treatment of raw wool and the manufacture of cloth. Regulations and rules were passed by the Consuls and Councils of each of the two Guilds, which rendered it practically impossible for one to injure the other. No member of the Wool Guild was allowed to keep or sell foreign-woven cloth. The weaving of expensive cloth was restricted — perhaps with a view to avoid competition with the trade of the '* Calimala " Guild in redressing fine foreign-made materials. On the other hand cloth made up of inferior cardings was condemned to be burnt — a wise precaution against any temptation to force shoddy pieces upon the market.^ The right of the " Guild of Wool," and of its Consuls and duly elected officers, to control the business and the workpeople of the Guild was affirmed by a special rubric. At the same time the members were bound not to interfere in any way with members of other Guilds. Persons not matriculated in the Wool Guild were forbidden to make and sell woollen pieces, and further were restrained from mixing dyes or doing other things connected -with the wool industry.' The Stitmatori and SensaU^ — the official measurers and brokers 1 L. Gmtini, *'Saggi," p. 9^ * Statutes of 1309-1316, Bk. iv. 45. > Statuta P.et (C.) F. 1415, Rubs. xW. and xlvii. 144 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE of the Guild, — acting under the express orders of the Consuls^ made scrupulous examination of the pieces before they were placed upon the market. Each piece had to be of the exact standard length and weight — the latter varied considerably after the processes of fulling and dyeing.^ Falsifications, adulterations, and irregularities ' of all kinds were severely visited by fines, destruction of the cloth, and post- ing the names of all offending manufacturers and merchants^ at the Offices of the Guild. The mixture of linen thread with woollen was condemned, except its quality and description were plainly marked upon the woven cloth. This industry however was fairly prosperous, especially for exportation : cloth thus manu* factured bore the name of Moscolato, — mixture, — and Tintilano^ — grained.* A piece of woollen cloth usually measured from thirty to thirty-two ultUy — the yard-measure of the workshops was a little longer than the canna of the " Calimala," the yard-measure of commerce. The canna^ as used by the "Guild of Wool,'* measured one and a half braccioy or a forearm's length, each braccio being 22.97 inches, English. The average weights of woollen yam in the bundle were as follows : — Garbo serges, one pound, — for fine qualities, either white or coloured, one pound four ounces ; for San Martino^ — finest qualities only, — one pound five ounces ; each weight being that shown by the scales of the Battitori, — Wool-beaters. It was permissible to buy and sell pieces of cloth, boldroni^ — whole fleeces of lambs' wool without the skin, woollen yam, and all-woollen sundries, in packs or bundles ; but, in each transaction, absolute honesty was enjoined, in the deduction from the pur- chase-money of the weight and value of the tare, whether sacks, exuding moisture, pieces of fat or skin, dust or any other extraneous matter. Sensafi of the Guild were wamed to pay particular attention * T. Trucht, **Difesa del Cominerdo dei Floreotiniy" p. 17. * Cantini, iv. p. 45. THE GUILD OF WOOL 145 to these matters, and to make careful entries in their sale and transfer books. Disputed tares were to be at once taken before the Consuls for their decision. Any person attempting to pass off rubbish of any kind as good sound wool was punished by a fine of one hundred lire. The use of unjust weights, and undue pressure of the hand upon the scale incurred a penalty of two hundred lire. The office of Sensale^ — agent, — ^was quite as important in connection with the Wool Guild, as it was with the " Guild of CaUmalar Many of these " middle men " made huge profits, and became influential merchants ; but, in the archives, under the year 1326, is a curious entry, which states that a certain wool-broker declared he had not earned more than fifty lire that year! The Consuls of the Guild required that all payments for yam, cloth, raw'wool, and the adjuncts of the industry should be made in advance, for sales effected within a distance of one hundred miles from the city ; and further, they forbade discpunts of every kind. Payments to customers, or agents, beyond that distance were managed by "Letters of Credit," under special notes of interest, agreed upon with the co-operation of the " Guild of Bankers and Money Changers." The Statutes of the Guild were revised in 131 7, 1331, 1333, ^338, 1362, 1415 and 1428; additions were made in 13 19, ^333, 1337, 1 361, 1427 and many times in the sixteenth century. In all of these proceedings the Wool Guild bears its full title of " Arte e Universita della Lana'* ^ • •••••• The arrival and settlement of the Utniliati^ — the Humble Fathers of Saint Michael of Alexandria, — ^in Florence, in 1238, had an instantaneous and beneficent effect upon the woollen industry at large. Their fame had preceded them, and they were welcomed by manufacturer and by operative alike. The former saw the possibilities of greater gains through the application of ^ G. GoDetU, " Bibliografia Statoaria delle Corporanzie d'Arte e mestieri d'ltalia." K 146 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE better technical knowledge ; whilst the latter judged that higher wages would rule. In 1237 the State granted the church and convent of San Donato a Torre, just outside the Prato Gate, for the use of the Fathers ; and the benefaction was confirmed by Giovanni de' Mangiadori, the Bishop of Florence. After labouring here for five years, more roomy quarters were sought, where, under the direction of the " Mercatol^ or Merchant of the Monastery, the various processes of manufacture could be more conveniently carried on.^ At a Council of State held on May 21, 1250, — at which it is interesting to note that the Consuls of the Wool Guild took part along with the Consuls of the other four leading .Guilds, — lands and buildings, in the district of Santa Lucia sul Prato, were allocated to the use of the Umiliati for the furtherance of their industry. In the same year the Brethren purchased for a sum of four hundred and ninety-seven florins (silver) a piece of land and two dwelling-houses from the Tomaquinci family for the purpose of still more enlarging their establishment^ The responsibilities of the Monastery vastly increased, but were greatly lightened by the direct patronage and emulation of the "Guild of Wool." In 1256 the Brethren were again on the move; and this time, on their own initiative, they established themselves upon the banks of the Amo, just at the foot of the Second Wall of 1074. Here they erected a church, — which they dedicated to Saint Catherine of Alexandria, — monastery buildings and workshops. Upon them they carved their heraldic arms, or trademark, — a wool-pack crossed with ropes, — and they named their establishment in honour of Ognissanti — All Saints. Quite near these new quarters was already a considerable population, — labourers at the river quay, — whilst not very far away were the public fishing-grounds, and a water-mill owned by the State. The Umiliati were accompanied by many families of workers to whom they had imparted their methods 1 Cantini, " SaK«," voL iii. p. 73« ' Cantini, «* Lcgislazioni," iii. p. 81. THE GUILD OF WOOL 147 of woollen manufacture. For them they built dwelling-houses and a com*mill, along with warehouses and factories, where now-a-days runs the fashionable Lung* Amo. Pens for dipping fleeces and dyeworks were erected by the river-side. In the meadows, and under the old wall, and beneath the projecting eaves of the roofs of the monastic buildings, were great wooden frames whereon the pieces of worm cloth were stretched to dry. The district soon became the centre of an industrious and well-conducted community, and Borgo d'Ognissanti, — with the Via Gora running through it, — grew into an important and wealth-producing suburb of the city. As the trade of the Monastery increased, — and by this increase the commerce of the Florentine wool merchants also grew enormously,— the necessity for a bridge across the Amo became obvious. In 1 2 1 8 a wooden structure was thrown over the river by permission of the Podesta^ Otto da Mandola, to which was given the name of *^AUa Carraial' on account of the number of carts and waggons laden with wool, and pack-mules, which constantly crowded it, coming out of the country, or going down to Porto Pisano. This bridge also served another useful purpose, for it provided the inhabitants of the three Barghi or Suburbs, — across the river collectively known as Oltramo, — with a ready means of access to the new woollen factories. One of these Borght was ignominiously called *^ Pittiglioso^' because of the poverty and squalor of its denizens. These poor people were thus enabled to obtain work, and speedily an entire transformation of their district was effected Later on in the history of Florence Oltramo became known by the name of Via de' Bardi, after one of the rich banking families who built their palace there. Many provisions and laws were passed by the Government of the Republic, between 1250 and the end of the century, which extended the privil^es and powers of the Utniliati} In 1 267, for example, the " Porto," so called, — or landing stage, — the islands ^ L. Cantini, '* Legislazioni," vol. i. p. 297. 148 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE in the Arno, and the whole riverside from the Ponte alia Carraia to the junction of the river Mugnone, — with all the adjoining fields and gardens, — in fact the beautiful Cascine of modem Florence — were allocated to the use of the Order for building new factories and workmen's houses. The woollen cloth manufactured in the workshops of the Order was marked with their arms, — a bale of cloth tied with cords in the form of a cross, — ^with the letters O. SS. C. in the comers — " Omnium Sanctorum Conventus^* — the Monastery of All Saints.^ The Monastery became the heart and soul of the trade of Florence, whilst the lives of the "Brethren," — as they preferred to be called, — furnished models of self-control, business application, and religious zeal, each of which had an immense influence upon the sympathetic nature of the people. Towards the end of the thirteenth century, however, a marked relaxation of zeal was seen in the conduct of the Umiliati, so far as their efforts were concemed in directing and encouraging the woollen industry. Whether their religious Rule became more exacting, or whether the anachronism of monks competing in the world's markets with merchants, or prudence in view of political controversies, or lukewarmness in the prosecution of their manu- facturing enterprise, suggested the relaxation, no authority has recorded. Gradually the work of the Monastery dwindled away, and the operatives began to ally themselves more closely with the "Guild of Wool." At last, in 13 30 a resolution was arrived at by the Generals of the Order, which shut their factory doors, and for ever closed the labours of nearly one hundred years. The monks retained possession of the Monastery of Ognissanti till 1564, at which date Pope Pius V. suppressed their Order. Among the trade associations subordinated to the Guild of Wool Merchants were * : — ^ L'Osservatore Fiorentino, iiL 169. * G. Capponi, " Storia della Repubb. di Firenze," vol. ii. pp. 3.5. THE GUILD OF WOOL 149 Tosatori and Cimatori. Lavatori. Scampatori. Cardatori and Scardassieri. Filatori and Ftlatare. Tessttori. FoUanu Tintari, Filatrice. Stamaiuoli, Battilani, Lanini, Pettinatori. Vergheggiatori and Battitori, PetHnagnoU. Conciatori. Shearers. Washers. Sorters. Carders. Spinners, — male and female. Weavers. Fullers. Dyers. Winders. Master-spinners. Carding-machine oilers. Special workers. Combers. Beaters. Comb makers. Curriers. The methods, employed by the various sets of operatives in the manufacture of cloth, were to a great extent the same which obtain to-day in countries where the introduction of modem machinery has not been made. After the fleeces had been cut off", — preferably in one whole piece, — from the sheep, they were washed, but not with hard water, for that was found to make the wool harsh to the touch. Ammonia, in one form or other, was usually mixed with the water. This had the further recommendation of rendering the dressed wool more susceptible of even dyeing. Scouring in hot soap-suds in hollow vats required the services of two men to a vat, for they kept on tossing, one to the other with strong poles, the bundles of wool, separating thus the dirt and dissolving the grease. The next process was lifting the scoured and cleansed fleeces out of their bath and allowing them to drain, meanwhile rinsing them with pure Amo water to remove suds. Drying slowly was 150 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE found best in draughty warm air, but the aim was not to let the wool become too dry, for fear of cracking and splitting. Combing the wool followed. Big brushes or rakes were used at first, their teeth being bent into stout leather backs, which offered a more yielding medium than wood. Later on, cylin- drical combing machines of iron and leather were introduced. Oiling was an important point, to avoid harshness and undue curling. The oil was applied to the combed-out wool by sprinklers with rose mouthpieces. This process was found to be useful in promoting adhesiveness when the spinning stage was reached. Blending the wool was a special science apart, practised by the most experienced workpeople, but essential from an economic point of view, and also from the point of view of the production of novel materials. Carding, the initial step to the processes of making yam, was a very important matter, and required the skill of well-trained workmen. The carding-comb for weaving rasda^ — white serge, — was ordinarily about sixteen inches wide, with wires of such a number as would allow one hundred and ten threads to be laid upon the loom. For sky-blue serges the comb was seven- teen inches wide, with wires for one hundred threads ; for pale and faded blue serges the comb was the same, but one hundred and five wires were laid upon the loom. There was no restric- tion in the size of comb or in the number of thread wires for other kinds of coloured cloth. Spinning and winding followed closely on the heels of one another. They were usually done by women and girls ; but all apprentices were expected to know both these processes ex- perimentally, and to be skilled in them. It was the duty of the Stamaiuolo to give out woollen yam to the Filatrice in knots or bundles, and to register the name of each woman, and the number and quality of the knots, and at the same time to agree with her about the price for winding each particular job. The winders were forbidden to transfer their DYKINC; AND DYERS KKD oy FIFTEENTH CENTUKV THE GUILD OF WOOL 151 work one to the other, and to make use of any yam not deUvered to them by the master spinners.^ The actual making of cloth required many processes, of course, between the delivery of the wound yam and the output of the pieces of finished woollen cloth. Weavers, Fullers, and Dyers each in turn manipulated the lengths of cloth before they reached the presses of the Finishers and Folders. The Dyers of Florence formed a considerable and numerous element in the population. They seem to have been divided into three classes : — i. Dyers of foreign cloth for the ''Calimala Guild " ; 2. Dyers of native cloth for the "Wool Guild"; and 3. Dyers of silk for the " Silk Guild." All were dependent upon the " Calimala " for the supply of dyes, mordants, and all other ingredients of their trade. Each Dyer paid the sum of three hundred and ten gold florins to the Treasurer of the Guild, by way of guarantee or bail that he purposed to execute his calling in good faith, and, in return, received an official permission to carry on the industry. Each Dye-house and all its contents, together with samples of dyed goods, were required to be prepared annually for a thorough inspection by the officials of the Guild. Whilst the Dyers were not permitted to incorporate them- selves into a separate Arte or Guild, they were allowed to associate themselves in families and groups, in the pursuit of any special operations of their craft. All such companies were subordinated to the "Wool Guild," with respect to their political and social status, the only exception being made in the case of certain foreign dyers employed by the " Silk Guild," who did not come under the authority of the " Guild of Wool." Dyers were obliged to show diligence in their work, and render prompt and faithful service to their employers. They were bound to enter in a book, within twenty-four hours, all the cloth which they received for dyeing. They were not allowed to go about the city, or ContadOy seeking work, but were to remain in their work- shops, until they obtained pieces from the SensalL ^ L. Cantini, " Legislaiione," i. p. 366. 152 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE The cost of dyeing woollen cloth per one hundred pieces in Florence in the fifteenth century may be estimated by the following List ^ : — Sbiadata — sky-blue, Smeraldino — emerald, and Azzuro — flight blue, three florins ; Pelo di Leone — tan colour, and Verde chiara — bright green, four florins ; Bigio di mezzo — middle grey, and Cupo di bianco — shaded white, five ^orins ; Rosa secca — dead red, Sanguigno di sbiadato — pale carmine, and Gherofan€Uo — pink, six florins ; Celestino — sky-blue, VioUtto — pale purple, and Bruschino — coffee-colour, eight florins ; Verde-Bruno — dark green, Berrettino di guado — Monk's-hood red, and Morello di grana — ivy black, ten florins ; Monachino — monkish grey, twelve florins ; Rosato — deep rose, twenty-five florins ; Lucchesino — Lucca scarlet, twenty-eight florins, and Scarlatto — vermilion, thirty-five florins. These prices were fixed by the Consuls and Council of the " Wool Guild," with the expert advice of the officers appointed to examine into the subject. It was imperative that the colours used in dyeing should be fixed, not fugitive. Any cloth badly dyed was either remanipulated, cut up and sold to the hucksters, or burnt. Dyers could, if they wished, use inferior colours, but they were obliged to declare the fact, and to place tickets stating it, upon the dyed pieces. Alum, — indispensable as a mordant for fixing the colours, — was brought from mines in the Maremma, where the dibris of early excavations had been pulverised by the action of the air. The Duke of Athens, on assuming the government of Florence, extended his favour to the Dyers — who by the way did much to support his authority, — by granting the petition they offered to him in 1 342.* In this document, after paying the Duke some flattering compliments, the petitioners go on to say : *' Grant us Consuls oi our own, chosen out of our Corporation of Dyers and Washers and free us from the yoke of the * Wool Guild,' that we may carry on our industry without let or hindrance in your Highness's ' Pagnini, vol. iv. 170. * Archivio Giomale Toscana, vi. 210, Doc. 83. THE GUILD OF WOOL 153 service." Three Consuls were appointed, but they were not recognised by the " Guild of Wool." No workman could be employed by any merchant who hadf not first proved his ability, and obtained a formal written testimony thereof. Employers were required to provide their workpeople with all the instruments of their trade. For mutual convenience workers engaged in the same process were employed in groups, and worked in the same rooms. The manufacture of woollen-cloth was forbidden in private dwellings.^ Each manufacturer was required to pay his work-people suffi- cient daily or weekly wages — the amount of which had to be submitted to the Consuls of the Guild for their approval. The normal prices paid to Filatori and Lanini were, for each bundle of serge yam, one soldo, ten denari or piccioli, Filatriu received generally one soldo, five piccioli^ for the same quantity. The average daily wage of an adult worker was one soldo, six denari, about one shilling and sixpence. In times of trade depression prices naturally declined, and a day's wage amounted to no more than thirty picdoti — perhaps about eightpence. Every workman had security of tenancy in his home. A Prov- visione prevented manufacturers expelling their hands, — either from their employment or their houses, — save for grave reasons, which had to be stated in the Council of the Consuls, and approved by vote. House-owners also were forbidden to raise the rents of dwellings except by express permission of the Consuls. All citizens were strongly cautioned not to take in pledge, from woollen operatives, any instrument or implement used in their trade. Sales of wool, woollen-yam, or woollen-cloth by workpeople were strictly prohibited. No money-changer, or lender ^^ the market, was allowed to lend money upon whole pieces of woollen-cloth, remnants of cloth, woollen-yam, or raw wool. Every such transaction, in spite of the prohibition, was visited with a fine of fifty Ure. ^ V. Follini, ** Firenze Antica e Moderna Illustra," vol. vi. cxxi. p. 207. 154 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE Wool-sorting and beating were forbidden within the walls of the city, as was also the scutching of cotton and all other noisy employments, from the tolling of the three o'clock bell to the striking of the bell at Matins. Overtime, — as we call it, — was forbidden, no worker being permitted to carry on his trade even secretly after Compline} The care which the State extended to the well-being of the woollen operatives is evidenced in a number of Prcwisioni regulating the hours of work and rest. It was strictly prohibited for any noise to be made in the streets during the night. In all the workshops of the Guild games of chance were strictly forbidden, indeed the only indoor game allowed was chess, which as a quaint old chronicler has it, — '*hath in it the element of patience and quietness." * Certain Prawisiont dealt with the questions of the emigration of operatives and of the location of foreign agencies. No merchant, agent, workman, or apprentice, was permitted to leave Florence, and establish himself in any foreign land except by express permission of the Consuls of the Guild. Later on — in the fifteenth century — the emigration of workpeople was wholly forbidden. These measures were doubtless necessary for the safeguarding of the secrets of the trade, and for the protection of the Florentine monopoly of foreign markets. In the same way the export of raw native wool and woollen yam, as well as of madder, woad and other dying materials was forbidden. It is a thousand pities that all the old looms, implements, and accessories of the industry have disappeared. As late as 1858 an ancient telaia — woollen-cloth loom — was still in working order in an old house, of the time of Amolfo di Cambio, in the thirteenth century, in the Piazza delle Travi on the Lung* Amo degli Alberti. Neither Tuscany, nor the whole of Italy, could supply any- thing like the quantity, much less the quality, of wool needed to meet the requirements of the Florentine looms. The rearing ^ Sututa, 141 5, Rub. xlix. ^ Statuta Populi Florentiae, Book iii. 191. A CLOTH-Fl'LMN(; MILL WITH A WArKR-C.A'I KOINTKKNIM AMI KIUFKNIH CKNIIKIKS [SVv /Vj^y i(>y THE GUILD OF WOOL 155 of sheep was not; in early times, a paying occupation in Tuscany. The breed was certainly hardy, but the scant eatage of the barren hill-sides, — where the flocks were pastured because tile better land was under cultivation, — was not productive of the opulent fleeces of more generously nourished flocks. In the fifteenth century the number of sheep in Tuscany exceeded one million ; but whereas some, in good condition, only gave three or four pounds' weight of coarse wool, a Spanish, English, or Flemish sheep rendered up a fleece which averaged eight and nine pounds of excellent wooU The determination and the thoroughness which the shepherds and their masters, — most of them wealthy members of the Wool Guild, — threw into the rearing of sheep produced good results. Tuscan raw wool, — which eventually took the place of the famed produce of Puglia, Taranto and Modena, — obtained profitable quotations in all markets for the manufacture of strong and serviceable cloth. The woollen industry of Florence had active and enterprising rivals at Pisa, Genoa, Venice, Bologna, Ferrara, and in Lombardy *nd France. At the same time, in each of these manufac- turing centres, there existed Statutes and Provisions, which absolutely forbade the importation of foreign wool, and the Manipulation of foreign-made cloth. Florence, on the other hand, 'Allowed an entirely diflerent policy, with results, as remarkable '^r their benefit to the home industry, as they were for their pre* ^inence in all foreign markets. The wealth, which poured into the coflers of her merchants, tabled them to purchase the pick of the wool offered at all ic>reign fairs. England, France, Spain, and Portugal, readily sold ^l^^ir rich fleeces to the agents of the " Guild of Wool." Prices ^nged from sixteen soldi per hundred pounds' weight of raw ^Uscan wool, to sixteen hundred soldi for the same weight of ^^e best French, Narbonne, and Portuguese raw wool. From the Algarves came the best of all wool — Tuscanized into > L. Pignotti, " Storia della Toscana," p. 27. 156 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE " Garbor Hence " Panne di Garbo " was the finest cloth woven in Florence, and the street in which it was chiefly manufactured was called Via di Garbo. Spanish wool was also of veiy excel- lent quality. The merino sheep introduced into the country by the Romans centuries before, and crossed with the native breed, had established a high reputation for purity of colour and silkiness of texture. No wool was so useful as this pure white variety for fine manufactures : it also went under the name of " Lana di Garbo.** Heniy II. was the first English king who granted facilities to Florentine traders for the purchase of British-grown wool As early as 1284 the quantity of raw wool bought by Florentine merchants from English monasteries was considerable. Several wool-trading companies were established in London, and elsewhere, — among them being that of Messer Tommaso Spigliati e di Lapo Ugho Spini.^ Letters are in existence, written by one of their travellers, — Simone Gherardi, — who, in rendering an account of his commercial journey in 1285, speaks of the excel- lence of the wool offered for sale by the British monasteries. Other companies were Messeri di Bindo Isquarta, di Jacopo, Ric- comanno, de' Mozzi, Peruzzi, and Pulchi, with representatives of the Bardi family. By the year 13 15 more than two hundred monasteries in England, France, Spain, Portugal, and Flanders, were supplying the Florentine Guild of Wool. The names of these look very funny in their Italian dress, for example : — Vichamo-in-costa-Rivalsi for Wykeham near Rivaux. Boccheselle in Chenti „ Bexley in Kent. Stalleo in Guarvicche „ Stoneleigh in Warwick. Guizzopo presso Abliada „ Worksop near Nottingham. GuesameinChondisgualdo,, Eversham in Worcestershire. Miense in Picardia „ Amiens in Picardy. Provino in Campagna „ Provins. Bosella in Brabante „ Brussels. Inghiemino in Amaldo „ Engheim in Hainault ^ Pagnini, vol. ii, Appendix xvi. p. 324. THE GUILD OF WOOL 157 Melrose they called Merusotte, Galloway — Gonellasso, and Kelso — Chilosola, and so on.^ The best British wool came from the Cotswolds and from Chichester, — Tuscanised into Codignaldo and Scrisestri. '' The wool of Britain/' wrote an old historian, '' is often spun so fine that it is, in one sense, comparable to the spider's web." This excellence was the result of carefully following the plans of the old Roman settlers, who established immense sheep farms in various parts of the country and set up woollen manufactories at the old capital Winchester. Doubtless they were duly apprecia- tive of the splendid breed of sheep which they found in the island and their rich yield of long silky fleeces. The raw wool imported from England was of three qualities, — ""Buona'' — fine, ** Moiana'*—so^, and ''Loccki" — still-born lamb's wool. The prices, per sack, of Scotch wool were, — for fine qualities, twenty marks, English, — for coarse, twelve marks, and for still-bom, nine marks (English coinage).* One hundred pounds weight English were equal to about one hundred and forty Florentine, and each English sack contained about fifty-two pounds. For ease of transport by mule-back the sacks were packed in two equal bales, — each weighing about two hundred and fifty pounds Florentine. The exports of raw wool from England assumed vast propor- tions, and excited the jealousy and opposition of native producers and manufacturers. The annual consignments from Great Britain to Florence, in the fourteenth century, — and indeed earlier, — filled 2,800 sacks or bags, and were of the average value of ;^2 5,ooo to if 30,000. Vexatious Acts of Parliament were passed to limit the facilities of the Florentine traders. Edward III. invited dyers, fullers, and weavers from Flanders to settle in his dominions, and teach his people their methods ; and, at the same time, he directed that 1 The whole list is given by Balducci Pegolotti for the year 13 15, from the MS. Rjccardiana, " La Pratica della Mercatura,*' vol. ii. ' Perttoi, p. 324. 158 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE exorbitant duties should be placed upon the exports of wool to Italy. In 1455, under Henry VI., a law was made forbidding Italian A " PUSTA DI MBRCATO," A LIGHT MERCHANT VESSEL. FIFTEENTH CENTURY. merchants to buy wool and woollen yam and cloth except in London, Southampton, and Sandwich. A few years later this was made more stringent by the absolute refusal of Parliament to allow sales to Italian wool merchants. Legislation under Edward IV. forbade aliens to export wool, THE GUILD OF WOOL 159 and restricted natives from consigning bales or bags, to all foreign ports except Calais. All these repressive measures led to the commissioning by Italian merchants of blocade-running ships, by which risky means valuable consignments were got through to Italy and elsewhere. Such embargoes could not be tolerated, and so the Florentine shippers appointed Bindo da Staggio, — a resident in London and ?L persona grata at Court, — ^their ambassador, to plead for a relaxa- tion of the prohibitive regulations. The outcome was favourable to the foreign traders, and by way of securing their advantage, two wool merchants — Francesco de' Strozzi and Gierozo de' f igli, — both residents in London, — were appointed Consuls of the Florentine colony in England.^ In 1483 a Royal decree was issued regulating sales to Florentine merchants, and again restricting their trade. Under Henry VII. more enlightened counsels prevailed, and in i486 a commercial treaty, between England and the Florentine Republic, was signed, by which English merchants undertook to carry every year sufficient wool to supply all the States of Italy ; and Floren- tine traders promised to buy no wool unless carried in English ships. The Florentines obtained on their side corresponding privileges with respect to the import into England of redressed foreign cloth and dyed Florentine weavings.^ In 1493 modifica- tions of the treaty were made. Greater freedom was allowed in the purchase of raw wool for sole consumption in Florence, but her merchants were forbidden to re-sell tljeir imports, except six hundred bales annually to the Venetians. The reigns of Henry VIII. and Elizabeth were full of enact- nients for and against the Florentine woollen-cloth merchants. The former sovereign encouraged their enterprise, and had per- sonal dealings with the Frescobaldi, Bardi, Corsi, Cavalcanti, and other leading houses. The policy of Elizabeth was however repressive, and under her the export of raw wool was once more ^ Archivio di Firenze, Filza Strozziana, 294, etc., 135-136. ^ L. Cantini, *• Legislazione/' I p. 301. 160 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE absolutely and entirely forbidden. This prohibition cut both ways but the greater sufferers were the English sheep farmers, whose loss was estimated at ten million pounds sterling I At the same time no such restrictions or prohibition affected the export of Spanish and Portuguese wool. From a document of the year 1326 we learn that prices ranged as follows : — ^ A whole fleece of " Garbo'* — less the skin, — one hundred gold florins. Undressed wool of " S. Matteo," and Majorca, — one lira, eleven soldi per pound. Undressed wool of Minorca — one Ura, eighteen soldi per pound. Washed wool of Majorca — two lire, five soldi per pound. Woollen yarn of " Garbo " — ^two lire, eight soldi per pound. With England as the greatest wool-producing country in Europe, from the thirteenth to the fifteenth centuries, the com- mercial intercourse of the Florentines developed rapidly. At first the trade with the English grower was only through the medium of the French and Flemish markets, and was carried overland — from which circumstance English wool was called ^^ lana frandgenar After Florence had obtained possession of the ports of Livorno and Porto Pisano, the bales were shipped direct from London, or Southampton, — which was the chief wool-shipping depot. One. of the favourite trade routes was from London to the coast of France by sea, then up the rivers Gironde and Dordogne, as far as Liboume, thence overland, by Montpellier to Aigues Mortes in Provence, whence by canal and sea to Porto Pisano, and by river boat up the Amo to Segna, and finally by road to Florence ! Another was by Bruges in Flanders, through Germany to Basel, and over the passes of the Alps. The expenses of the land transport were enormous, and added immensely to the value of the wool when *it reached the hands of the craftsmen in Florence. The freight from London to Leghorn or Porto Pisano was two soldi per mule load, and the charge for porterage, trans-shipment, repacking, etc., on the way, added 1 Archivio di Firenze, " Tana dtllt GabelU." THE GUILD OF WOOL 161 considerably to the cost Warehouse dues also were paid upon consignments of wool stored in transit, even for brief periods : the chaise at Porto Pisano, for example, was six denari per mule load. In the fifteenth century a ship-canal to connect Florence with the sea was projected by merchants of the " CalimcUa " and '* Wool " Guilds. Leonardo da Vinci actually made elaborate surveys and drafted plans for the enterprise. The scheme how- ever fell through because the Republic had other costly projects in hand. During the course of the thirteenth century Florentine manu- facturers were engaged almost exclusively in weaving cloth of coarse quality made out of native wool. These went by various names: — bigello — coarse camlet or frieze, frustagna — fustian, arabasia — canvas-cloth, pignolato — rough hard cloth, schtavina — blanketing or slave-cloth, villaneschi — peasants' serge, baracane — coarse camlet, moscolato — moss-like mixture, and other rough and inferior descriptions. " These stuffs," writes Villani, " were coarse, and of only low value, the which indeed they had not learned to dress with the skill afterwards acquired." ^ One description of the native manufacture was certainly of finer texture. It was called " TintUanOy' — fine grained cloth, — made from the silky fleeces of young lambs, and was further distinguished as locchi^ — still-born, — and moiana — soft and light. This woven material was greatly esteemed for the tight-fitting body hose and drawers worn by men, and is referred to by Boccaccio as thoroughly Florentine.^ Not only did the wool industry thrive under the auspices of the UfHiUati, but also through the energy of the Consuls of the " Wool Guild," who welcomed artizans from Greece, and elsewhere, skilled in the making of carding-frames and weaving*looms, and the other machines and appliances required by the Craft. The enterprise and the liberal wages, which marked the 1 Villani, vol. xi. c. 94. ' Boccaccio, " Novelle** lilt Giorno 7. L 162 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE business policy of the Florentine manufacturers, attracted a great number of foreign workmen. The Government of the Republic accorded to all these the same exemptions and privil^es which had been bestowed upon the Umiliati} This immigration made it absolutely necessary, for the sake of the public health, and to avoid inconvenience and overcrowding in the quarters already inhabited by the craftsmen, to allocate to the new-comers new areas. Hence we find that settlements of mechanics and makers of carding-combs were established in Oltramo. By the end of the thirteenth century Via Ma^gio, Via San Felice in Piazza, Fondaco San Spirito — in Borgo San Jacopo^ and about San Martino and San Procolo — in the Vigna, and near Porta Rossa, had received a new population, which, added to the original woolworkers in that quarter, became, later on, a very powerful factor in the destinies, not merely of the Craft, but of the Republic at large. Many of the more skilful foreign artificers were located also in the botteghe — ^small shops of the Via de' Pellicciai and around the Residence of the Consuls of the ^' Guild of Doctors and Apothecaries."^ Thus, early in the fourteenth century, nearly the whole of Florence was given up to the woollen industry. Streets were named after the various avocations in subordination to the ^* Guild of Wool," for instance : — Via dei Cimatori, — Street of the Shearers, — Via delle Caldai, — Street of the Cauldrons, — and the Corso dei Tintori, — Road of the Dyers. All round Or San Michele, and in every street and lane in the neighbourhood of the Residence, and away down the more impor- tant thoroughfares, right along to Borgo d'Ognissanti, and the monastery and manufactory of the Umiliatiy almost every house and building had iron upright rods fitted tb all the windows, sup- porting wooden cross-bars, upon which were hung out, to stretch and to dry, great hanks of spun-wool and long pieces of woven- cloth. Some of these rods and bars may still be seen in the 1 Stat. Fio. Lib. iv. Rub. 38. * Benedetto Dei, "Cronica," p. 22. STRKKT SCKNE: THE (iAME OF CIVETTIXO HI I KKN ru CKN n KV SOTK (l) THK IKMN RODS AND HKACKKTS ON IMF. BUII.I)1N(.S. K »K HAN<;i\f, \V(>( lo DKv aki»;k i)vkin{.. [St.- c h,ir-fKES^IN(;. ^ SVf Chaft'-r .\ I' ] ►I.I.KN-CLOTH I'IKCES THE GUILD OF WOOL 163 'window-frames of the Palazzo d'Alessandri in the Borgo degli Albizzi. Indeed, when the woollen industry was at the height of its prosperity, Florence appeared to be one vast diying and stretching ^[round. Cloth of all kinds and colours waved in great lengths in •every quarter, and imparted an extraordinary aspect to the streets ! More than thirty thousand hands were engaged in the manu- facture of woollen-cloth, all, or nearly all, of whom, were working in connection with the " Guild of Wool." Villani, speaking of the year 1 308, says there were in Florence and its immediate Contado^ two hundred workshops belonging to the Guild, wherein were manufactured from seventy to eighty thousand pieces of woollen Einstein, " Italian Renaissance in England," p. 230. 172 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE The issue in 1252 of the gold florin by the Commune of Florence proved to be a decisive step in the race for financial pre-eminence among the cities. Up to that date every State, and every banker, had dealt largely, if not exclusively, in debased silver money, not only in Italy but throughout Europe, The Florentines discovered that honesty was the best policy, and the world accepted them and their convenient new coin as the standards of commerce.^ Everywhere Florentine merchants pursued an enterprising line of conduct, whilst the Sienese and others haggled on still upon the old lines. Then too the constant struggles between the cities of the Tuscan league produced a revulsion of feeling until — as the star of Florence rose higher and higher — the party of peace- at-any-price gained the ascendancy, and the Sienese and Lucchese gradually retired from the contest The Bankers of Florence thus made good their exclusive claim to the style and place of Campsores Papm. In this capacity, and also in their relations with foreign courts, it is not too much to say that Florence inaugurated the modem system of Banking, and her merchant Bankers are regarded as the fathers of the financial methods of to-day. Many names were given at different times to the Banker-mer- chants:— Cambiatori — Bankers, Banchieri — Changers, Tavolieri — Petty-cash dealers, Prestatori — Lenders, Feneratort — Spot-dis- counters, Usurai — Usurers, and, — in an evil sense, — dmi Lambardi — Lombard bloodhounds!' The origin of the '' Guild of Bankers and Money-Changers " may be sought in the affluence of the three great manufacturing GmMs—'' Calimala;* "Wool "and*' Silk." These wealthy merchants had need of some safe depository for their capital, and, in accord- ance with that unfailing characteristic of the Florentines, — which ever sought unbiassed assistance outside their own particular ' Langton Douglas, *' Histoty of Sieoa," p. 34, etc. '^ Pagnini, vol. ii. p. 132. BANKERS AND MONEYCHANGERS 173 interests, — they discovered what they wanted in the incorporation of the fourth Great Guild. Dante sums this up : — ** Commerce and Exchange combined made Florence great.'* ^ Her citizens early discovered, however, that farming money was a far more remunerative pursuit than manufacturing articles of commerce ; and, quite early in the thirteenth century, Florence became the banking centre of Europe. The surplus capital, which her Bankers were able to hold unemployed in their hands, was the guarantee and the security of her merchants. One of the earliest records of the Banking business of Florence is of the year 1194, when the Marchese Aldobrandino d'Este was obliged to have recourse to Florentine capitalists for money to support the party and policy of Pope Innocent III. In return for the advance which he then received he pledged all his available property. Perhaps the first mention of the Bankers, as forming an Arte or Guild, is in a document of 1201, which describes a concession of land, made by the Commune of Florence, to a certain Gonnella di Guidaccio, wherein the Consuls of the '' Guild of Bankers " are named. The signatures of the Consuls of the Guild of Bankers^ together with those of the other Guilds of Florence, in 1204 to the treaty with Siena, also indicate that the corporation was in existence and in full working order before the end of the twelfth century. Between 1220 and 1230 agencies of Florentine Bankers were established in many parts of Europe, and were forwarding remit- tances to Rome direct, or through the parent houses in Florence. In this business they were joined by Sienese merchant-bankers, and they were especially associated together in 1233, when Pope Gregory IX. issued a " Rule " authorising them to collect the Papal revenues in France, England, Spain, and Flanders.* In founding exchange offices in connection with their agencies in foreign lands for the purchase of raw materials and the sale of 1 *' Paradiso," Canto xvi. 6. * Maratori, " Antichite Italiane/' torn. i. p. ii8. 174 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE manufactured articles, the Florentine Merchant-Bankers, by the middle of the thirteenth century, had possessed themselves of the key of the wealth of all nations. The general commercial activities of the Florentine bankers, no doubt, led to some confusion from the fact that they were carried on in friendly rivaliy with the enterprises of the merchants of the " Calimala " and of the Guilds of " Wool " and " Silk." Pro- bably there was a system of Freemasonry at work between thern^ whereby each and all of them were at once dealers in wool and cloth, and operators in money and financial securities. • • • • • •'• • The earliest Statutes of the Guild preserved in the Archives of Florence are of the year 1299. They* are in thirty-four para- graphs. An earlier code, which was compiled in 1280, but no longer exists, appears to have been the foundation for all sub- sequent Statutes.^ The commission of Merchants and Judges which was em- panelled at the end of the thirteenth century for the purpose of reviewing the Statutes and Bye-laws of all the Guilds and Crafts, and which compiled the Code already described, as adopted in 1 30 1 - 1 309 by the '' Calimala'' Guild, drafted,in 1 307,special rubrics and regulations for the " Guild of Bankers and Money-Changers." This Code was amended and enlarged to seventy-three rubrics in 1334. Two copies of the latter have been preserved, written in a peculiarly beautiful hand ; one is in perfect condition, but the other has suffered greatly by the handling of thousands of inquirers, who in early days had occasion to consult its rulings. The officers of the Guild were the same in number and name as those of the other Guilds, except that a special official was appointed whose title was Esecutore — Executor, perhaps Prose- cutor. It was his duty to proceed against debtors, as well as to administer properties in the names of heirs during their minority, and to order generally the affairs of deceased merchants. As regards the first part of his duties the Esecutore had authority ta ^ Pagnini, vol. ii. p. 132, etc. HANKKRS IN CONFERKNCK LATE FOUKTF.EMH CKML'KY BANKERS AND MONEYCHANGERS 175 summon the wife and the brothers, if any such exercised a similar profession or trade, and ultimately to detain them in custody until the debts were completely paid. Rubric 56 is a very curious one, and proves the jealousy which existed at the period between the Ghibelline nobles and the merchants of the Guelphs. It enacts that, " should any noble of the city or Contado of Florence presume to enter unasked the Residences or the Offices of the Guild he would thereby incur a fine of ten lirCy and would not be set free until he had paid in full." Another Rubric — No. 70 — is also quaintly punitive. The Consuls were permitted to have a rack and other corrective instru- ments at the Residence, to which recourse was had by the Judges attached to the Guild, in their examination, by word of mouth, of delinquents charged with concealing the truth about monetary negotiations. This process was grimly stated as "enabling the Judge to give a just judgment ! " The Judge, or Syndic, himself comes in for sharp treatment under Rubric No. 71. He was fined one hundred pounds for every malversation of justice which might be brought home to him after an inquiry by a panel of disinterested Judges! Strict rules were laid down in the Statutes concerning admis- sion to the Guild. Candidates were required, before engaging in the profession of Banking, to enter their names upon the Matricu- lation Roll They had to undergo a rigorous examination before the Consuls, which passed in purview each of the necessary per- ^nal qualifications. Approval by this Board led to the payment of the Admission Fee, which ranged rather high in amount in pn>portion to the capital at stake. The father, grandfather, and even the great-grandfather incurred ^e same liability for a descendant, who engaged in trade, as though they actually stood surety for him. To escape responsi- l>ility they were obliged to make a formal disclaimer of liability. Individual freedom was obtained after a public process before the Council of the Consuls of all the Guilds.^ ^ SutnU Populi Florentiae, torn. ii. la 176 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE Bankers and Money-changers belonging to the Guild alone were reo^nised by the State, and. they were assigned positions in one or other of the markets, — generally in the Mercato Nuovo and along the Via de' Tavolini. This privilege gave the right to a table and a chair, which wdre placed conveniently for the trans- action of business. The table bore a cover of green cloth, and upon it were placed the Day Book and a layer of clean parchment,, for entries of the day's business. On one side was the '' Bank,'^ which consisted of a pouch or bag of gold, and a wooden, or metal, bowl, full of small coins for change. The pouch was usually a very decorative ornament, of cunningly stamped or painted leather, embroidered in silk, — perchance by some innamora/a, — and generally bearing the banker's arms or monog^ram. This custom of the money-changer's table gave a special designation to the registered Bankers of the Markets : — ^' The Company of the Table." There were, of course, many uncovenanted money-dealers — for every Florentine who had a spare gold florin was ever ready to lend it to his neighbour at a rate of interest agreed between the two. The operations of these men were more or less shady, but were in a sort of way useful if not indispensable, in view of the speculative proclivities of the citizens, and in regard to the constantly congested state of business. They were allowed to place tables in the Markets, but without cloths and no chairs. Old documents discriminate the two classes as: Cum vela^ vef tapeto, vel sine — ^ with and without table-cloths ! " In the '' Giuoccho delle Scacchiy' published in 1493, by Antonio Miscomini, with the moralisation of Jacopo de' Cessolis, and several woodcuts, the Florentine Banker-Money-changer is represented as the King's Pawn. "^ The fourth pawne is sette before the Kynge and is formed in the forme of a man holding in his right hand a balance, and the we}^ht in the lifte hand and to fore hym a table. And at his gurdell a purse full of monoye redy for to gyve the marchans of cloth, lynen, and woUen, and of all other marchandises. And BANKERS AND MONEYCH ANGERS 177 by the table that is to fore hym is signefied ye changeurs and they that lene monoy and they that bye and selle by the weyght being signefied by the balance and weyght and the customers, totters, and resseyvours of rentes and money being signefied by the purse." The books of all the Money-lenders were required to be open to the inspection of the agents of the Guild, who paid periodical MIRCHANT-BAMKIR-MONIY-CHANGER. FIFTIBNTH CENTURY. and surprise visits to every lender's table. Want of neatness in entry and illegibility were quite as severely censured as were inaccuracies and falsifications. Money-changers were not allowed to transact business pro- miscuously, but only at their tables, or within their own dwellings — the latter privilege was a later concession, and led to the con- stitution of Banks — as we now understand the term.^ No strangers and no ecclesiastics were permitted to become ^ Pftgnini, vol. ii. p. 135. M 178 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE members of the Guild, and such persons were forbidden to conduct public money transactions in the Markets. The Statutes of the Guild ordered, moreover, that the daily entries in the '' Table '' Ledgers should, invariably, be made in clear cursive characters, the figures Roman, not Arabic, and no capital letters, paragraphs, or points of punctuation. Up to the time of the Medicean ascendancy Florentine accounts were kept by single entry, although the double system of the Venetians was recognised as superior. To safeguard, and to check the simpler plan, duplicate books were endorsed, ^d deposited in strong boxes ; these were called Libri dell* Asse^ check-board books, or Libri rossi, bianchi^ neri^ etc., according to the colour of the cover. Each volume contained, on the first page, an invocation of the Deity, and a dedication of the owner and scribe to the protection of Heaven. Of these books, which were made of ordinary Florentine-made cotton paper, and bound in leather, nearly all traces have disappeared. The Alberti certainly still possess many of the ancient banking books of tdeir ancestors, and there are besides, in the Biblioteca Riccardiana^ several volumes and sheets belonging to the Peruzzi Company of the years 1292- 1 343, in which latter year that Bank suspended payment From these Day-books copies were made at stated times into the Libri Maestri, — Master Journals — which were formidable volumes with parchment leaves and heavy wooden or leathern cases, clamped and locked with metal fittings. These volumes were preserved at the oflices of the Guild for consultation and correction, and many of them are still in existence. The Florentine bankers and merchants made their cash- reckonings in lire^ soldi^ and denari — the origin of our £. s. d. Twenty soldi went to the pound and twelve denari to the soldi. The spot values of these coins were constantly varying, hence the standard coin for all important transactions was the florin in gold, first struck in 1252. It may be noted in passing, that many terms still currently used in monetary transactions originated with the "Guild of BANKERS AND MONEY-CHANGERS 179 Bankers and Money-Changers" of Florence: — cassa — cash, banco — bank, bancarotta — bankruptcy, giomale — journal, debito and ^^'/S^r^f— debt, debtor, and "Dr," credito and rr^rfjV<7r(?— credit, creditor, and " Cr.," — whilst detto is our " ditto " and " do." Every year the Consuls called into conference the financial officials of all the Guilds and the Priors of the Monastic Orders to strike a balance in accounts in dispute, and to lay down regula- tions to rule money values and loan interest for the current year. Each year also the Consuls held a consultation with a number of their predecessors in office for the purpose of passing in review the names, characters, and methods of all the Money-changers and Money-lenders carrying on business in the city. Any dealer in money who had become in any way notorious, or unjust, in his terms, was crossed off the Register, and his name was posted as a delinquent at the Offices of the Guild. The Residence of the Consuls, and the headquarters of the ^' Guild of Bankers and Money-Changers " were established, at an early date, in the Mercato Nuovo, near the Porta Santa Maria. This building was destroyed by fire in 1304, but in its place was erected an edifice which quite outdid all the other Consular Residences in dignity and splendour — as indeed was befitting the wealth and influence of the members of the Guild. The interior was adorned with polychromatic ceilings, and the walls overhung with rich hangings in embossed and gilt leather. Many fine oil paintings, and noble statues in marble, found places, along with splendid cabinets, — the work of excellent carvers and inlayers, — and beautiful coloured windows. Over this edifice was a bell, placed there by the benevolent solicitude of a wealthy Money-changer, by name Giovanni della Gheradesca. Rung twice a day, it heralded the opening of financial business, and proclaimed the closing of the money market In 15 16, when Cosimo I. put up the clock in the market, the '* Bankers-bell " was moved to the top of the Casa del Saggia — the Public Assay Office for gold and silver — and still went on ringing in and ringing out the cashiers of the Guild. 180 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE The arms of the Guild were set up on the facade of the Residence, and were of course emblazoned on the Gonfalon intrusted to the Guild Standard-bearer in 1266. They were quite significant of the purposes of the Guild — a red field strewn with gold florins. An excellent system of dowries for young citizens of both sexes was established in 1343. Parents and friends loaned sums during a period of fifteen years, — more or less, — to the State ; and received guarantees of repayment within certain time limits. The interest at first was at the rate of 1 8 per cent., and it naturally attracted many depositors. The administration of this fund was committed to the Consuls and Council of the " Guild of Bankers and Money-changers." Special officers were elected by the Guild, who also had the superintendence of matters of bail and security, and a base neglect of duty, or unfaithfulness of stewardship, were rigorously punished by fine and imprisonment. Bankers professionally were remarkable for their piety ! Not only did each head of a house open the day's duties with prayers in his family circle, but the avocation^ of the bank were inaugurated by a reunion of all the staff for religious exercises. No class of citizens was more regular in attendance at Mass and other Church duties, than the Bankers and Money-changers. Their calling too made demands upon their charity, and, in proportion as they throve, they bestowed alms. The old-world sentiment, that those who deal in the most mundane matters must put away most deposits of heavenly treasure, was an ever-present con- sideration. The dates at which the great banking families of Florence first made their marks were pretty much as follows : — Acciaiuoli — 1252, Alberti — 1244, Bardi — 1215, Buonaparte — 1260, Fresco- baldi — 1252, Pegolotti — 13 17, Peruzzi — 1260, Sassetti — 1260, Scali — 1235, Villani — 1298. Unhappily the diaries, business books and parchments of nearly all the families have perished, and almost all we know is gathered out of the private records of MONEY-CHANGKRS. A DISPUTE BEFORE THE PODESTA LATK FOURTEENTH CENTURY BANKERS AND MONEYCHANGERS 181 the Cavalcanti, dell' Antella, dei Salimbeni, della Sega, and Valori families. As early as 1228 there were Banks in Florence bearing the names of Benevieni, Lamberti, Alamanni, and Ugolini, who were already doing business with France, England and Flanders. In 1264 the houses of Simonetti, Bacarelli, Ardinghi, and Spinelli had agents in London, whose chief business was the collection of Peter's Pence. Branch banks were opened by Giovanni Vanno and his company at Dover and Canterbury in 1302, as well as in London. The Peruzzi had sixteen such agencies : — Pisa and Genoa — 1302, Paris — 1303, Avignon and Chiarenza, in the Morea — 1305, Tunis and Venice — 1306, Naples and Rhodes — 13 10, London and Bruges — 13 12, Castel di Castro (Caligari); — 1332, Barletta on the Adriatic, and Palermo— 1335, and Majorca — 1336. The number of their agents, in the middle of the fourteenth century, was one hundred and thirty. The Papal Schism — 1 305-1 377 — gave the Florentine Bankers rare opportunities for reaping golden harvests. The contributions of the faithful were unavoidably diverted into two rival channels. Much money was either entirely lost or misapplied, and the con- fusion added immensely to the business and the commission of the Campsores Papa. The houses of Mozzi, Bardi, Acciaiuoli, Scali, Spini, and Alberti rose to eminence during this period. Two books are extant which show that in 1348 the company of Jacopo and Caroccio degli Alberti was employed in collecting Peter's Pence and other ecclesiastical dues, in the name of the Avignon Pope, and had agencies at Paris, Bruges, Venice, Siena, Perugia, Brussels, Naples, and Rome. Other Florentine Bankers, whose names were well known in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, were Strozzi, Medici, Cap- poni, Salviati, da Uzzano, Albizzi, Badesi, Bartolini, Corsini, Dini, Kicci, and Covoni. Perhaps the most famous of then^ all were the Bardi, who made their mark as enterprising merchants along with the Caval- 182 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE canti, Rossi, and Mozzi as early as 121 5. They were concerned in the feud between Cosimo de' Mbdici and Luca Pitti in 1434, and, along with the Castellani, Ardinghelli, Rondinelli, Brancacci, Guardagni, Baldovinetti and others, were exiled for a long term of years. This severe treatment however obtained the substitution of the title " Priori di Liberia " — for that of " Priori deUe Arti " for the Heads of the Guilds, so that the people " might," as Machia* velli says, '*at least preserve the name of the thing they had lost"* On May 29, 131 1, the Bardi Company, which numbered nine partners, appointed legal representatives in France, England, and Ireland, Tuscany, Lombardy, and Germany. In August of the same year another such official was appointed for Cyprus and Rhodes.' The power of the Bardi Company grew enormously, as did their generosity. They certainly held tight to their monopolies, which were many in number and various in character ; but, at the same time, they opened branch offices everywhere, and gave employ- ment to yexy many small houses and to individuals. Builders, dealers, merchants, tradespeople, and others, shared with them in the success of their business relations. To be connected with such a house as that of the Bardi meant, not only the enjoyment of much social and personal comfort and emolument, but the respect and confidence of everybody with whom contact was shared.' Villani calls the Bardi, the Peruzzi, the Acciaiuoli, the Buon-t accorsi, and the Scali : — " The Pillars of Commerce and of Chris- tianity." An enterprising Ministro, or agent, of the Bardi Company, in 1 3 1 5, in Flanders, — Francesco Balducci, — procured from the Duke of Brabant certain privileges for Florentine merchants: — (i) sL reduction of the duty on silk per ship load, anJ (2) a maximum tax of two denari per one hundred and twenty pounds weight of wool. In 1324 he went for his Company to Cyprus, where an oppressive tariff was laid upon all Florentine merchandise. He ^ Machtavelli, " Le Istorie di Firenze," p. 373. ' Archivio del Stato di Firenze. • F. Truchi, " Difesa del Commercio dei Fiorcntini." BANKERS AND MONEYCH ANGERS 183 gained terms as favourable as those in Flanders, for in 1326 a concession was granted to his house for five years, whilst in 1327 Florentine goods were granted free import for ever. Such agents were not men of inferior position or attainment. The heads of the large Banking-houses were too keenly alive to the possibilities of business to appoint any representatives but those who possessed the very highest qualifications. Among them we come across scions of the great houses of Donati, Guicciardini, Villani, Strozzi, Soderini, Machiavelli, Pazzi, and Portinari and many others. In after years seven of these agents served in their time the office of Ganfahniere di GiusHsia, and as many as twenty-seven the high dignity of Prior. All of the agents or couriers not only were matriculated members of the Guild, but their names were registered upon the Foreign Agents' Roll. In addition to fixed liberal salaries they received ample funds for the expenses of their journeys, and letters of recommendation and of credit. Each one had a medal, or token, bearing the heraldic cognisance of his house, as a further pledge of official responsibility.^ Some idea of the salaries annually paid to agents, couriers> and clerks of the great Banking-houses may be gathered by con- sulting the books of the Peruzzi Company for the years 1335- 1338.' The amounts range from ten lire^ three soldi — paid to a discipulo^ or apprentice, — Giusto di Beno Battelli by name, — to three hundred and twenty-two lire paid to Bartolo Ug^ccioni — an agent No more interesting and exciting scene could be witnessed in old Florence than the daily transactions of the Bankers and Money-Changers. Let the reader transport himself in imagination to one of the numerous Banks of Florence during the epoch of her prosperity. In the hall he will see great parchment ledgers, wide open upon solid wood desks, awaiting the entries of the day's business as it ^ Pagnini, Vol. ii. 135 ; Cantini, Vol. iu. 165 ; Peruzzi, pp. 261-266. * Peruzzi, p. 260. 184 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE ebbs and flows. All about are the agents and travellers of the house, either just returned from, or starting off to, Armenia, China, and the East, and London, Paris, Antwerp and other Western capitals. The home-comers are seated busily revising their cash-state- ments of business done, and consulting their order books, pre- paratory to their inspection by the cashiers at the counter. Some are walking up and down and exchanging greetings and informa- tion with the couriers about to start upon outward journeys. All is bustle and excitement, — men are bragging about their travels, and showing off the cranks and foibles they have picked up by the way, — whilst others are boasting of what they are about to achieve and are swaggering up and down ! The heads of the house are either closeted in their private office, discussing high finance, or maybe are haughtily wending their way in full official attire to participate in some important affair of state in the Council at the Palazzo Vecchio. If the Bank has attached to it a Loggia or Borsa^ — ^a vestibule or clearing-office, — the scene is still more animated. In addition to the ordinary staff, customers of all sorts and kinds are popping in and out, and voices are discussing in shrill tones the state of the money-market, and the rise and fall of stock, etc etc. '> Under the Loggia^ — portico, — of the Mercato Nuovo, especially, bankers and merchants and their clients foregather. Speculators, and plungers — " Bulls and Bears " — are there as they are in our day in the purlieus of the Stock Exchange. " The shares of the Monte (Pawn Office) are at thirty. Can we do business ? " cries one. " Say, this time next year, I'll sell or ril buy as you like." •* What's your price ? " is the reply. " What premium do you propose ? " ^ Stock changed hands constantly, and accordingly a tax was imposed, of two silver florins, upon t:v^cy transfer, which vindicated the love of levying money for State purposes in every imaginable ^ Marchionne di Coppo Stefuii, " Delude d^li Eruditi Toscani," Lib. viii. p. 97. BANKERS' LOGGIA-MERCATO NUOVO \See Chafter j:y\ BANKERS AND MONEY-CHANGERS 185 direction, and also established the regularity of the contract "Jobbing," — as we call it, — was in full swing in the Mercato Nuovo all through the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. In the year ii7^ a tax of two per cent was established and imposed upon cveiy completed bargain.^ The Palaces of the great banker families made quite a distinctive feature in the street architecture of old Florence. Sometimes the whole of a street was occupied by members of a single family, for example : — Via de' Peruzzi, Via de' Tomabuoni, Borgo d^ll Albizzi, Borgo de' Greci, Via de' Bardi and Via de' CerchL The Peruzzi Bank, at the b^inning of the fourteenth century, consisted of three brothers, who lived with their wives and children in the Via de' Peruzzi. The combined families numbered thirty- cme persons, who were served by upwards of twenty domestics of all grades. The annual expenditure of these united establishments reached the considerable figure of three thousand gold florins, equivalent to ;^I500. Very much of the expansion of the banking business of Florence was directly due to the wanderings about of Guelphic exiles, who became, for the moment, agents of their houses in foreign lands. Charles of Anjou, before he set out from France on his way ^0 Italy, not only received many loans from Florentine bankers ^d merchants, but surrounded himself with Florentine judges, i^otaries, doctors, apothecaries, armourers, saddlers, and the rest f^our hundred exiled Guelphs formed his Body-Guard, chiefly Rorentine Bankers. Through his influence the greater part of fte trade of Naples passed into the hands of Florentine merchants. Exclusive shipments of wine, com, and oil, from Manfredonia and Kavenna, were made by the same enterprising traders under Charles's patronage. In 1338 the number of Banking Houses in Florence was eighty. Thirty years later, owing to the privities and encourage- ^ Marchionne di Coppo Stefimi, Lib. ix. Rab. 737. 186 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE ments conferred by the peace with Pisa, the business of Banking increased greatly, and by the end of the century, there were fully one hundred and twenty Companies in active operation.^ Towards the end of the fourteenth century Florentine Commerce had made such an immense advance that a whole body of Statutes and Regulations, dealing with the financial matters, came into existence. Among them was a series of enactments enabling all mercantile affairs to be conducted with greater speed by the avoidance of legal details, and releasing merchants' credits from mortgage and sequestration. At the same time attempts were made to effect a codification of the laws of perjury, fraud, and bankruptcy. The vastness of the Banking business, which Florentines were doing in the fifteenth century, drew a remarkable admission from the unwilling lips of the ruler of a rival Republic — Venice. Doge Tommaso Mocenigo declared that : — " Florence is drawing out of Venice 392,000 gold ducats a year ! " Troubles came in their turn, and by 1422 there only remained seventy-two firms engaged in Banking and Money- changing, and these were for the most part small houses. Further shrinki^ was experienced, until, in 1474, not more than thirty- two Banks were able to keep open their doors. This low-water mark was the commencement of the decadence of Florentine commercial prosperity. The extreme complication and variety of monetary values, which existed in the Middle Ages and early Renaissance, in every city and town of Europe, made the existence of an association of exchange agents an absolute necessity. The foreign coinage which found its way to Florence was remarkable for variety and fluctuation in value. The standard piece of Naples was the Carlin, of Venice — ^the Mark or Ducat, of London — ^the Pound sterling, of Paris — the Livre Toumots, and of Rhodes and Tunis — ^the Besan. All these were current in Florence. ^ Villani, xi. 94. BANKERS AND MONEYCHANGERS 187 If Jews, and Greeks on the one part, and Venetians and Genoese on the other, were the great original factors in the monetary expansion of the Middle Ages, Florence was undoubtedly the centre of all banking interests in the Renaissance. To Florentine initiative is wholly due the admirable facility of exchanging cash values, against paper. This system revolu- tionised and vitalised the entire conduct of commerce, not only in Florence herself, but throughout the known world. ** Lettere di Cambiol* — Letters of change, or of credit, — became an indispensable means of transacting the international business of bankers and moneylenders. The transmission of bullion became more and more risky, and its bulk increased the difficulty of transit The depreciation of coinage in habitual use was also a serious objection to dealing in cash directly. These admir- able and convenient money drafts provided a ready and secure means of dealing in credits. They were first used in Florence in 1260, but possibly, they had their origin in Venice, during the middle of the twelfth century, where they were confined to certain business houses dealing together. The system of "Letters of Credit" made the transmission of money, even to such distant places as Jaffa, and Tana on the Sea of Azof, a matter of comparative ease. For example, when a Florentine citizen wished to transmit, say, a couple of hundred pounds to Antwerp, he had but to saunter into the office of some " Caltmala:* " Wool " or " Silk " Merchant, who, in a few words addressed by courier to his agent there, caused the payment to be made. The use of "Letters of Credit" made it possible for vast operations to be carried through, like those of the Bardi and Peruzzi, up to the year 1340, for well-nigh a million and a half gold florins, equal to ;f 7 5 0,000, — to be placed at the disposal of King Edward IIL A table of time-limits between Florence and the principal cities of Europe and the East,— copies of which were displayed at all the Banks, — shows the days required for consignments 188 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE of specie and goods to reach their destinations, as follows : — Bolc^^a — 3, Pisa — 5, Genoa and Rome — 15, Venice and Naples — 20, Milan — 30, Sicily, Provence, and Tunis — 45, Flanders — 70, England and Constantinople — 75, and Cyprus — 90. The days occupied by the couriers of the Florentine Mer- cantile and Banking houses, in travelling were as follows : — Rome and Genoa, each five to six days ; Milan, Venice and Naples, ten to twelve ; Paris, Bruges^ and Barcelona, twenty to twenty-five ; London, Sicily and Constantinople — twenty-five to thirty. The brokerage sanctioned by the Guild varied according to the standard value of the money employed, whether gold or silver; the average amount was from ten to fifteen per cent Probably one of the principal causes which contributed to make Florence so prosperous was the system of loans at interest^ In Florence it was rather a sound system of finance than a sordid love of money that influenced her commercial policy. Very early her merchants discovered that capital, borrowed at a high rate of interest, was not the readiest way to advance their operations. Speculators doubtless there were, and even " plungers," — to use a modem term, — who craved money for its own sake, but these men were r^arded with little esteem, and their methods were not generally attractive. At first the ecclesiastical powers opposed the lending of money at interest, and the making of profit upon a temporary loan was deemed usurious. Even to the end of the fourteenth century, ** it was considered usurious for any one to make a loan, which was not drawn upon an official form, and where, in the instrument itself, it was not stated that the loan was made gratuitously." * Public loans were raised in the following way : — The State named certain citizens, — members of the chief Banking Companies, — with full power to find the money required, assigning to them, by way of security, taxes placed upon certain commodities entering the gates of the city — such as salt and 1 Peruzzi, p. 81. ^ Lapo Mazsei, '*Lettere,'* vol. i. 246. c BANKERS AND MONEY-CHANGERS 189 wine ; or commissions upon the rents of the shops on the Ponte Vecchio. The Companies accepted the contract, and furnished the necessary sum wholly or in part, raising the remainder among the citizens, upon certain conditions, and at a reasonable interest Another method was adopted when it was desired to force the dtizens to take up the loan, — ^the amount of the sum required was publicly proclaimed, and part assigned to every street in accordance with the wealth and number of the inhabitants. After the portion to be paid by each had been fixed, it was then delivered to the State Treasurer, who repaid it to the creditors when the loan expired, from the proceeds of the customs. To facilitate this the contributors were also granted a quantity of salt at 6 lire the bushel, and were allowed to sell it at the ordinary fixed rate, which was higher. The loaning of money to the State for a fixed time at a certain rate of interest, led to the creation, in 1222, of a new Government Office, which came to be known popularly under the name of " // Monte ** — " The Money-pile ! " Instead of calling on the Banks for a loan, as had been usual before, the Government divided the money required for the public exchequer into portions ^cording to the assessment of each citizen, and each was expected to contribute his full share. The rate of interest placed to the credit of each contributor in the ''Monte*' Books varied from three to twenty-five per cent. This Book was known as " // Libro ^ Settamilumil'—'' The Book of Seven Millions,"— from the Amount of the original loan. In 1 307 the credit of the Republic was staked to the Bankers, the "Calimala," and the Parte Guelfa to the amount of seven million gold florins. In the war with Arezzo, the "Guild of Bankers and Money-changers" gave the State credit for eight ^lion gold florins, which amount was repaid by a Prowisume^ or Order in Council, of the year 1307.^ The Republic was a community of Merchant-Bankers whose aim was the scientific exploiting of money. Their ingenuity and * Prow. xiii. 13a v®- 190 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE resourcefulness were the consequences of their systematic training in the adaptability of capital. When one expedient appeared to have gained the end in view, these wideawake capitalists were never at a loss for another. Up to the middle of the fourteenth century the State Revenues had been raised without difficulty by customs and duties on con- tracts called " GabelUr Among Prtwvisiani of the year 1 290 is one which shows how the " Gabellu " was raised, and how the different Guilds not only contributed, in their corporate capacity, but how individual members were appointed to undertake the collection. Millers and Bakers, Masters of Stone and Wood, Tailors, and Barbers, of the Contado were specially taxed ; each man paying forty soldi a month, and the tax ranging over two months.^ In 1336, however, the expenses incurred in the many warlike expeditions were far and away too heavy to be met by ordinary taxation. A national debt, — as we should say, — ^was created by forced loans, and was called ^^ Prestanza^^ from prastigium — tribute. The allocation of the amount required was quite arbitrary, but contingent upon seven separate assessments of the property of which each individual was possessed. An average was struck, which was the sum accorded to each citizen of sufficient means. Failure to pay this impost within seven days led to the delinquent's name being entered in a book which was called " // SpeccfUol* — ''the Looking-glass," — ^and he was subjected to fines and dis- qualifications. Several registers for the '' Prestanza'' are preserved in the Archives of Florence. One, — a paper book, in good condition, has the following entry : — '* In the name of God, Amen. Hereinafter is inscribed all the money which I, Tano di Lapo della Bruna, have received for Gherardo Lanfredini, Catnarlingo of the Commune of Florence, towards the impost of Fifty thousand gold florins, levied by the Commune, which has been collected by the four companies ^ Prow. ii. 117 V®' BANKERS AND MONEY-CHANGERS 191 Peruzzi, Bardi, Scali, and Acciaiuoli. The said money is to be paid as a loan to the said Commune, to pay to our Lord the Duke of Calabria 33,000 gold florins, — a third of which was assigned to the Bardi on the feast of S. Piero Scheraggio, the 2Sth of March 1325." The *'GabeUa'' of the year 1339 produced a great sum of money, from very many sources. Some of the items were : — The Parte, or Gate, dues about Flo. 90,200 The tax on Wine 50,300 The rate levied on the people of the Contado at 1 10 soldi per lira . j The tax on Salt at 49 soldi a bushel for a citizen, ) 30,200 14,450 and 20 soldi for a peasant Tax for cattle killed in the Market 1 5,000 Rate levied on the goods of Rebels and Exiles 7,000 Tax on Com ground into flour . 4,250 A poll-tax upon members of the Guilds . 3,000 House-tax in Florence and Hut-tax in the Contado 1,000 and many other items, amounting to a total sum of 343,300 gold florins. The public debt in 1344 amounted to thirty thousand gold florins, which the State could not pay. To clear the amount a *^ Mantel^ — or Public Bank, — was opened that persons, who were patriotically disposed, might contribute their quota. Each depositor received in exchange, credit or a promise to pay, which became a negotiable asset capable of being transferred from one to another, very much after the manner of our present cheque system. The ^^Prestanza " having done its work, there was not the least difficulty about the further manipulation of the revenues of the State with respect to the absorption of private resources. In 1345 a ^^ Monte Comune'' was raised to meet the rapacity of the Duke of Athen^ and his party. By it all loans made to the Republic were merged into one consolidated fund or debt, 192 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE which was made to bear interest at five per cent, and secured upon the State revenues. This was actually the creation of Government Stock for each person interested in the loans was entitled to buy, sell, pledge, or exchange his share as he willed. The market prices in the Mercato Nuovo fluctuated with the rise or fall of the credit of the State. The Florentine ^Mantt Comune " was the first National Debt, as such, ever called into existence. The ^^Arbttrio'* — an individual valuation, and the '' Decima'' — ^a general percentage of property, were other means employed by the State, acting upon the advice of the Consuls of the " Guild of Bankers and Money-changers," for raising loans easily and quickly. The former was a tax upon the conjectured earn- ings of the citizens. It was very unpopular, and failed to realise the purpose of its inception. Cosimo I. finally abolished it after an existence of sixty years. The latter, — ^the " Decimal* — was an impost of ten florins upon every hundred gold florins of the net income of each individual. Hence it was the rate of a tenth part of the income, and thus gained its name. The assessments were subject to a triennial revision. Fraudulent returns led to confiscation of unscheduled properties. The " Catasto,^ — Income Tax, — called so from the book in which the names of all taxpayers with descriptions and values of properties, were entered, — ^was devised by Filippo Ghiacceteo, but actually introduced by Giovanni de' Medici in 1427. The name was derived from dcaUastare^ — ^to accumulate. It was the most elaborate and exhaustive register of persons, and properties, which had ever been undertaken by any civilised State, and is a monu- ment to the financial capacities of the people of Florence. Each person's exact monetary position was stated from every point of view, and the sum total arrived at was chained half a florin to every hundred gold florins. The " Catasto " worked very smoothly, and did much to increase the popularity of the Medici. Between 1427 and 1453 the loans raised amounted to the enormous sum of 6,374,000 gold florins, contributed by seventy-six Banks ; BANKERS AND MONEYCHANGERS 198 whilst four successive wars, which the Republic had waged, cost more than 1 1,500,000 gold florins ! ^ The system of raising money by " Gabella " for ordinary expenditure and by ^^Catasto'' for extraordinary outlays re- mained in force until 1494. Banking for the Republic, whilst attended with risks and ieacgagggzy/^/^^^/^^^^-^^^^'^' PAYING TAXBS. FIFTBBNTH CBNTURY. dependent upon the will of fickle Fortune in the shape of frequent and erratic changes of Government, was the aim and ambition of all the financial houses of Florence. Competition to secure loans and other business was as keen as keen could be. Many a wealthy and noble house became eminent upon the suc- cessful negotiation of a State loan. The Medici owed their rise and their prosperity to the skilful way in which members of the 1 C. Landino, *' Dante Alighieri Fiorentino," Lib. xi. c. 91 ; and Lih. ix. c. 264. N 194 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE family, in successive generations, manipulated public accounts. Whilst posing as the friends of the people, they were enabled* without compunction, to help themselves pretty liberally to the contents of the public purse! Lorenzo "il Magnifico" was the first Medici to give up entirely all connection with commercial and banking interests, whilst his tenure of office marks the termination of the financial liberty of Florence — apparently a paradox, but nevertheless a fact ! The wealth amassed by the merchant banking families may be judged from the example of the Medici — whose pre-eminence in the political and social life of the State was an important factor. Giovanni de' Medici left 179,221 gold fiorins, Cosimo I. 23S>I37> ^^^ Piero 237,982; whilst each leading member of the family bestowed enormous benefactions upon the city and its inhabitants — Cosimo alone, it is said, gave away more than 500,000 gold florins!^ The rates of interest paid upon borrowed capital varied con- siderably not only in general use but in relation to particular classes of the population. Going back to the days of Justinian, when fixed rules and rates were first codified, it is not a little interesting to learn that persons of rank and influence paid usually four per cent on loans, whilst merchants were charged eight, and unfortunate dealers in grain and other breadstuffs were mulcted in eleven per cent. ! * It was sought to strike a balance, and an attempt was made to charge generally from six to seven per cent For a time this succeeded until the Duke of Athens, in revenge for the lukewarm- ness to his cause on the part of merchants and bankers, declared, in I34S» that the original figures of Justinian should be restored. The insular quotations in the value of the gold florin caused a similar sliding scale in the rates of interest With respect to State Loans the interest varied considerably with times and circumstances. In 1345 the creditors of the '' MonU Comune'* ^ J. Burckhardt, " Die Cultur des Renaissance in Italien,** voL i. 141. * Pemisi, p. J05. BANKERS AND MONEY-CHANGERS 195 ^■eccived five per cent, whilst between 1 349 and 1 380, the rate paid was between twelve and twenty per cent !^ On the other hand the rate for extraordinary business trans- actions was moderate. The Bardi Company charged the King of Sicily only two per cent, and in Seville their price was but five per cent The Peruzzi Company made similar charges. The wide extent and importance of the Banking-trading in- terests of the Bardi and Peruzzi Companies is evidenced by the interesting fact that, the King of Armenia excused merchandise cleared to or from Florence, in the names of either of the houses, atone half the usual dues. The King's official permit had his gold seal attached by a broad green silk ribbon. Money-changers and Money-lenders appear to have been fre- quently at variance in their operations. To the former were due almost all the Statutes passed after 1 394, affecting the status and privileges of the latter. These became so oppressive that all interest was looked upon as theoretically usurious, though practically as much as fifteen per cent, was permissiUe.^ Dante is very severe, in his " In/emo" upon the crime of unjust usury, as prostituting the fair r61e of Nature and Nature's laws : — . . . "Your Art is, As it were, grandchild of God, and it behoves Mankind to gain an honest livelihood ; But, since the usurer takes another part, Disdaining Nature and her just behests, Placing elsewhere his fickle hope. . . . " ' He speaks too of . . . *' that seventh circle, where the mournful tribe were seated." . . ,* and he finds his examples, not in the persons of persecuted Jews, but in those of well-known Merchant-bankers, the Gianfigliazzi, the Ubbriacchi, and, worst of all, Giovanni Bujamonti, In his eighth circle he places sellers of justice, evil councillors, corrupt barterers, and public deceivers of all kinds, and says : — * M. Vilkni, lib. iii. c, cvi. • " Inferno," Canto xi. 105. ' StatQti, 141 5, lib. ii. 19. * ** Inferno/' Canto xviii. 196 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE ..." All men are there, . Except Bontaro, barterers of no' rights as ply. For filthy lucre's sake, an ' aye ' becomes." Money lending became a precise science, a fine art, a fraud, and a burlesque in turn. Men's wits were sharpened to gain money, — honestly if it might be, — ^by the practice of every con- ceivable artifice. The dignitaries of the Church were as keen as the laity to borrow, and to lend, with the sole view of their own ultimate benefit. If a Money-lender died, who had been known as a sharp fellow, sepulture was denied his remains, until a recompense had been paid to the bishop ! Men were adjured to make honourable terms with heaven, before they came to their deaths, by handing over considerable sums, or property, to the safeguarding of those who held the Celestial keys ! An appearance of respectability, and even sanctity, in Money- dealing was not unattainable. The nomenclature of the period presented reprehensible and doubtful transactions under pleasing euphemisms, such as : — done di tempo — quick returns, tnerito — — slight recompense, interessa — smart gain, cambia — tit-for-tat, dvanza — unexpected profit, baroccoh — sly advantage, ritrangola — trifling advance on quotation, and so on.^ Sacchetti tells the story of one Sandro Tomabello, who had an extortionate love of money. Meeting an old creditor, who threatened to arrest him for the non-payment of an account, which had actually been settled by his father and of which no record had been kept, he paid a visit to his Notary, who advised him to let the man proceed against him in the ordinary course. When the legal official appeared to take him into custody, he proposed that he should pay him one-half the claim of three hundred gold florins, and obtain in exchange the quashing of the suit in the Podestds Court ! * Boccaccio levelled many a cutting shaft of sarcasm at the monetary insincerities of his day : — Que e poca dvanza e men guadagnay '* He who steals a trifling benefit, thereby acquires an > Sacchetti, *'Nov Sututi deir Arte della SeU, Rub. 34. * IHignini, vol. it 132. THE GUILD OF SILK 211 the lines of admission to the ^ Ca/imala " and Wool Guilds, so far, at all events, as personal qualifications, and entrance fees, were con- cerned. Nevertheless the act of Matriculation did not necessarily give admission to the general benefits of the Guild. Candidates were usually enrolled members of some special branch in the operations of, and under the control of, the Guild. Hence a man was asked to state the exact trade he wished to follow, and also to give an exhibition, before the Consuls, of his skill in that calling before he was granted the freedom of Membership.^ The members of the Guild were divided into two classes — Setaiuoli Grossi — master silk merchants and Setcduoli Minuti — silk- makers. The first were required to be possessed of a capital of at least twelve thousand gold florins. They were privileged to manufacture silk-tissues at their pleasure, and to sell wholesale, both in Florence and abroad. All merchandise disposed of, by them, required the official stamp of the Guild. They were for- bidden to sell retail, and in any way to undersell the retail silk dealers. The Setaiuoli Grossi {oxmtA the aristocratic section of the Guild, and many of them were among the wealthiest and most influential of the citizens. The Setaiuoli Minuti^ who were also called " master silk workers," were those who sold in retail quantities everything appertaining to the silk industry, and most of them were also practical silk spinners and weavers. They required also the qualification of capital, but the amount was unfixed, although considerably less than in the case of the Setaiuoli Grossi. Many indeed were permitted to enter the Guild with no money qualification at all, skill in manufacturing ability and smartness in business aptitude being regarded as equivalents. The Setaiuoli Minuti were not permitted to spin or weave silk without the license of the Consuls, although they were allowed to own machinery and implements of their craft without taxation. Their shops and warehouses also required license, and their manu- factures the ofiicial stamp of the Guild. ' Pagnini, voL ii. p. 1 14. 212 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE The other Guilds largely employed the services of Sensali or agents, but the ** Por Santa Maria'* was far too wide awake to the interests of masters and workpeople to tolerate unneces- sary interposition of middlemen. Consequently, in 1376, a Prowisione was passed, prohibiting anybody to act as a broker or dealer, who had not taken an oath before the Consuls, or the Notary of. the Guild, that he would do nothing contrary to the spirit and the letter of the Statutes. Moreover such an one was bound over by the payment of certain money, and by the production of two good sureties. The matter was further dealt with in Rubric 18 of the Statutes, which expressly states that it was not permitted for any person connected with the Guild to have dealings with Sensali^ whose names were posted as defaulters upon the notice-board of the Tribunal of the Mercanzia. With respect to the system of payments of accounts, the Silk Guild only allowed eight months' credit, except among members; but in 1429 the limit was advanced to one year for amounts exceeding twenty-five pounds.^ Merchants of the " Calimala " and " Por Santa Maria " were forbidden to exchange shops or offices, and to share such. No silk merchant was permitted to deal in foreign cloth within the boundaries of the State, nor beyond the seas, unless by special leave of the Consuls of the " Calimala^ The Stotutes of the "Guild of Silk" were revised in 1386, and again in 141 5, when many alterations and additions were made in accordance with the progress and prosperity of the Guild. In 1557 an entirely new Code was promulgated under the rule of the Medici. • .•.•... A very lai^e number of crafts were subordinated or affiliated to the "Guild of Silk." Pagnini gives the following list « :— ^ Sututi del Popolo e Comune Fiorentino, 14 15, Rub. xxzvii. and xxxix. * Pagnini, vol. ii. p. 63. THE GUILD OF SILK 218 I. Setaiuoli Grossi Orefici e Banchieri Gold and Silver-workers and Store- keepers. Ritagliatori e Fondacki Retail-dealers and Drapers. Battilori e Tiratori Gold-beaters and Wire-pullers. Velettai e Linaiuoli Silk-gauze makers and Linen- makers. II. Setaiuoli Minuti A uavigUatori Bobbin- winders. Banderai Makers of Church Vestments. Giubbonai e Farsettai Vest and Doublet-makers. Maestri di trarre Seta Overseers of Export Goods. Materassai Mattress-makers. Merciai Dealers in Raw-silk. Orditori Weavers. Pettindgnoli Silk Comb-makers. Pettinatori di Stiucio Carders of coarse Silk. Ricamatori e Stampatori Embroiderers and Printers. Tintori di Seta e di Raso Dyers of Silk and Satin. Tessitori di Drappi d Oro Weavers of Cloth of Gold. In addition to these were Calzaiuoli — Hosiers, and Sarti — Tailors, working specially in silk, and in gold and silver thread and cord, under strict trade regulations, and with the license of the Consuls of the Guild. The fees on admission to any of the above subordinate trades were nominally only three lire ^ a head, but they were increased for certain associations as follows : — The Master Silk Merchants, Retail Dealers and Drapers, Gold and silver workers, and Store-Bankers, — holders of valuable metal used in the manu- facture of gold and silver tissue, etc., — paid fourteen gold florins ; whilst the allied trades of Hosiers, Armourers, Scales-makers, Banner-workers and Embroiderers, and Gold and Silver Vest- makers, — belonging to the " Par Santa Marial^ — Silk-dyers, and ^ Cantini* *'Legislaxioni," vol. vii. p. 217. 214 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE the '' SetaiuoU Minuiiy* generally paid eight gold florins. This privil^e of recognition was accompanied by actual emolument as working members or associates of the Guild. The following classes of workpeople were also attached to the Guild : — Acquajuoli Artnaiuoli Bandieri Bilanciai Calderai Conduttori di Bozzoli Dipintori Disegnatori Distenditari Doratori Filatori e Filatore Forbidai Incannatori Lavatari delF Opere Manganatori Piegatori Rimettitori Saponai Stenditori Tiratori MinuH Torcitori Trattori Sprayers of Cocoons. Armourers. Banner-makers. Scales-makers. Steamers of Cocoons. Sorters of Cocoons. Painters on Silk. Designers. Stretchers of cloth of gold and silver. Gilders. Spinners — male and female. Gold and Silver thread-cutters. Reelers. Cleaners of gold and silver work. Wringers. Folders and platters. Rovers. Washers. Dyers of special textures. Wire-pullers. Throwsters or twisters. Winders. Many of these groups of operatives worked together under self-imposed r^^lations, but care was taken that no person laboured in more than one category. Over each set of similarly employed workpeople were officials styled ^Maestri di far Macchie" — Inspectors of Flaws and Blemishes. These men were master-craftsmen in their special branch of the industry, and acted as overlookers in the finishing of work. A "RELIGIOUS " TEACHING A WOMAN SILK-WEAVER FIFTEENTH CENTUKY (a lesson from THE SJ'IUER !) THE GUILD OF SILK 215 Most of these workpeople lived and worked in the vicinity of the little street, — the Vicolo della Seta, — which ran along the side of the Church of Santa Maria next the Palazzo Lamberti, skxid wherein, in later years, the rich family of the Acciaiuoli erected a splendid palace. In this crowded quarter of the city ^^vas the meeting-place of all persons interested in the silk industry, and outsiders were wont at times to be treated with sca^nt courtesy if they ventured to traverse its limits. The Via della Colonna had a massive stone column upholding the roof over a great drying terrace, where silk stuff was dyed and stretched. Around this building were many warehouses belonging to the Guild, and dwellings inhabited by workpeople. It was not within the power of any of the S^taiuoli Minuti to fix the scale of wages, but they were obliged to apply to the SetaiuoU Grossi for the terms sanctioned by the Consuls. Once every year, in June, the Consuls issued a " Rottura della Seta*' a Current Price-list, which ruled buyers and sellers alike, and by this roesins inflated wages and speculative quotations were prevented.* By Rubric 84 of the Statutes no one was allowed to prose- cute any industry in connection with the manufacture of silk, with- out the written and endorsed license of the Consuls of the Guild. Among protective regulations, which dealt with the liberty of tb« subject, Rubric 62 enacted that no silk-worker, or worker in go\d and silver, should be ejected from his house, or his shop, U^til after a special sentence of the Consuls in Council. Pawnbrokers, under Rubric 21, were forbidden to accept raw silk and silken textures, and implements and objects required and used in the trade. No Guild worker, male or female, was permitted to leave the city, or go beyond the Cantado^ unless armed with a written permit, which was only granted upon certain strict conditions of purpose and period : Rubric 84 indicates what penalties were incurred by disobedience. Many Rubrics deal with the treatment of silk worms, eggs, and ^ L. Cantini, l 178. 216 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE cocoons. For example, cocoons were not to be touched between the sounding of the evening bell and that of matins. In 1 3 1 5 an important accession to the strength and efficiency of the Guild workers was effected by the arrival in Florence of a number of silk and gold craftsmen from Lucca, after its sack by Uguccione della Fagiola. The emigration was due to the severe repressive laws which were imposed by the victorious Florentines. There was doubtless a reason for this policy — the shattering of the local industry, and the aggrandisement of the Florentine Guild I The emigrants were treated, at first, with suspicion by their rivals, and were not allowed to settle in the silk quarter of the city. The Setaitioli Grosst, however, knew what they were about ; and, whilst Rubric 84 of the Statutes contained a rider, which forbade Florentine workers holding communications, and carrying on transactions, with the new-comers, the Consuls gave instructions for them to be quartered in the Prato district, and provided dwelling-houses and workshops for them. This set of immigrants was not the only one that helped to swell the population, and to develop the silk industry of Florence. Quite early in the thirteenth century a number of Dyers found their way out of Lombardy, and took up their residence just beyond the Porta San Gallo in a tenement belonging to the monastery of the Augustinian monks.^ Naturally a rivalry was set up between this party and the Dyers already working under the Guilds of " Calimaia " and ''Wool," and the workpeople attached to the manufacturers of the Umiliatiy in the Borgo d'Ognissanti. They received however overtures from the " Guild of Silk " ; and attached themselves to that corporation, on the understanding that they manipulated solely silk and silken goods. This Lombardian Company became very prosperous under their new auspices, and were known, far and wide, for their hospitality and benevolence. They established shelters for Ds^ers, ^ F. L. Migliore, " Firence dtta nobilissima," p. 364. THE GUILD OF SILK 217 who had passed fifty years of ag^, to which they gave the name of Gerolocomto — perhaps " Home for the distressed and s^ed." Here pensioners dwelt with their families, upon whose earnings they were dependent Later on again another Company of Dyers found their way to Florence. They were also from Lucca, and were tempted doubt- less by the high wages of the workpeople employed by the " Guild of Silk." Under their banner, — Christ upon the Cross, clothed from head to foot in a long silken vestment, — they settled in houses belonging to Ser Girolamo Baldesi, near the Hospital of Santa Maria Nuova. The policy of admitting skilled workmen from outside was as excellent as it was far sighted. Every trade is bound to profit immensely by the infusion of new blood, and this proved conspicu- ously to be the case of the " Guild of Silk " and its workpeople. The importance of the mulberry in connection with the manufacture of silk cannot, of course, be overestimated. For nearly two centuries, however, the Florentine silk merchants made little or no attempt to cultivate the tree in the neighbourhood of Florence. They were content to collect the eggs and cocoons of the silkworm, by means of their agents in the East, and elsewhere, who transported them, together with immense consignments of mulberry leaves. The success, or failure, of the silk trade depended absolutely upon the supply of the raw material, and consequently, as the industry became more and more prosperous, it behoved manu- facturers to find increased sources of production. Hence, at the end of the fourteenth century, and early in the fifteenth, many Prowisiani were passed by the Consuls and Council of the " Guild of Silk," which were approved by the State Council, for increasing the cultivation of the Mulberry. These are apparently the first intimations of its introduction into Tuscany. In 1440 it was enacted that on every podere^ — or farm, — there should be planted, at least, five mulberry trees annually, until the number in vigorous growth reached fifty. 218 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE The trees throve wonderfully, and manufacturers reflected upon their want of prescience in the past Two classes of s^riculturists were especially interested in the propagation of the silk-worm food, and they were enrolled under two designations, by the Consuls of Guild, namely: — Padroni d^ Terrtni^ owners of suitable land for the growth of mulberry-trees, — and Maestri di Morie di Foglie^ — " Mulberry growers and Purveyors of mulberry- leaves." The Guild acquired the land of the former, by direct purchase, or by lease, and employed the latter to carry on the cultivation, under rules and bye-laws specially drawn up. The success of the new enterprise was manifest immediately. The climate admirably suited the tree, and, in richness and luxuriance, the yield equalled that of other lands ; whilst the silk worms benefited immeasurably by their fresh and luscious pasturage. Probably the scientific methods of these sapient cultivators had much to do with this favourable result Moreover other silk manufacturing cities in Italy began to send their merchants and dealers to Florence for the purpose of buying silk worms, cocoons, and mulberry leaves. The " Guild of Silk " met this commerce in a spirit of protection, and in 1442 a Prowisione was passed forbidding the export of everything connected with the manufacture, — worms, cocoons, raw-silk, and mulberry-leaves being distinctly named. Sir Richard Dallington, an intelligent English traveller in Italy in the middle of the sixteenth century, writes thus about the cultivation of silk worms and mulberry trees, and the prospects of the Silk industry generally ^ : — " I will speak of the Mulberry, for that the mention thereof draweth consequently therewith all the discourse of the Silke-worme, which being another of the greatest commodities of Tuscany. In the months of May and June this worme laboureth . . . when they are laid in the Sunne, and so hatched, but for want of heate, and to have of them betimes, the wormes will hatch them in their bosoms. So soon as they be wormes they have of mulberie leaues given them, 1 " Sarvey of the Great Duke's EsUte of Tuscany," 1596. THE GUILD OF SILK 219 whereof they only feed, to which purpose are daily great store of trees planted : the leaues is sold at foure quattrini the pound. . . . The rest of the year they be only kept in some warme and close places, where they may be neither endangered by cotd nor thunder, for either destroyeth them. When she hath wrought herselfe into a bottome, they put it into warme water to finde the end thereof, but if they would preserve the worme for seed, then they finde the end without putting the bottome into water (for this killeth the worme). ... And whereas heretofore the Silke workers of Florence, besides their owne, were usually wont to buy from Naples, Lombardie, and Greece, so much silk as yearly amounted to three hundred thousand duckets, it is now thought that shortly they shall have enough of their owne. . . . It is thought there are yearly made of Florence Rashes to the worth of two million of duckets, and of Silkes and Cloathes of gold and silver, to the value of three millions. . . ." In spite of the increase of mulberry plantations and of silk- worms in Tuscany it was necessary for the Florentine manu- facturers to import both leaves and worms largely from abroad, and especially from the Valley of the Rhone At various times, especially during epidemics, much suspicion was directed to the possibility of the introduction of fever, and other ailments, by means of the raw silk and cocoons imported from the East. It was commonly said too, in later days, that the cultivation of the mulberry was pernicious : — " for in the most places where it hath been planted plague and sickness hath broken out ! " Perhaps of all the processes the most important were those which dealt with the earliest stages of the manufacture — the treatment of the cocoon. No cocoons containing dead worms, or double cocoons, or any which had suffered injury, or dis- colouration in transit, were allowed to pass the tables of the Canduttoriy who were the first to deal with cocoons in the rough. Steaming in hot water — by the Calderaiy was the next step. 220 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE This process was needful to kill the worm swiftly, so that no discharge of foul matter might exude, and injure the " gum," or lining of the cocoon. The cocoons were placed in hot water for a few minutes, and a little alkali was added. The temperature was kept quite equable, — about 80** Fahrenheit, — until the silk- case softened of itself, and the stray strands of silk floated. To assist this natural unwinding, girls were employed, who kept SPINNING SILK FROM COCOONS. SIXTEENTH CENTURY the cocoons in gentle movement in their bath, by means of small brushes made of tree twigs. Reeling, from the steamed and softened cocoons, was the gathering into one thread, so to speak, of strands from many submerged cocoons. This formed the raw silk of commerce. Great care had to be exercised by the Filatori and Filatore^ — male and female spinners or reelers, — to avoid thick pieces or lumps being drawn through the eyelet of the reeling machine. The Torcitorty — silk-throwers or twisters, — wound together THE GUILD OF SILK 221 several strands of raw silk in hanks. The raw silk singly treated was far too delicate for manipulation. The weft-thread was composed of two or three strands of raw silk not " thrown," and this gave the material its silky appearance and feel. No doubt the introduction of raw silk to Florence was due, in the first instance, to the agents of the Merchants and Bankers, who, traversing lands and seas, failed not to pick up novelties of all kinds, and especially such objects as appeared likely to be profitable commercial assets. Thus samples of unwound cocoons, and thrown-silk, found their way into their consignments of foreign produce. The finest quality of raw silk was imported from Spain, which, in the fourteenth century, was valued at from two lire^ ten soldi^ to eleven soldi per pound : that of Catanzano being the least highly esteemed, out of nineteen or twenty other varieties. Balducci Pegolotti, in his '' Manuale del Mercante Fiorentino 0 Divisamentiy* gives precepts for preserving the silk in transit. He speaks of ^'raw silk which comes in bales, and is of niany kinds and qualities, but of whatever kind it is, it must be smooth to the touch, and according to the quality, the thread must be fine, round, and free from fluff, dross, and knots. . . ." " It is also necessary to see that it is not rubbed, which means that on the road, when it is brought by beasts of burden, or in waggons, the bales do not come into contact with the hedges, the waggon, or the ground, so that the canvas or outer covering is torn, and the silk is exposed. . . ." " To preserve silk well it must be packed tighter than any other merchandise, and kept in a place neither too damp nor too dry, covered with good matting. If it is so kept it will never be spoilt." The travellers' bales also contained consignments of silken stuffs and velvets and gold and silver brocades produced by the silk looms of India, Persia and China,^ Hence Florence became ^ Pagnini, vol. ii. 115. 222 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE the emporium of the precious tissues of Bagdad, Damascus, Teheran, and other manufactures of the Far East One other element contributed to the fame of Florence as a Silk-mart Many a courier and agent brought home with him natives of the countries through which he travelled. These people carried with them, to the service of their new masters, secrets and methods known only in the East, and, by the terms of their purchase, they were held in a state of quasi-slaveiy, and gave their time and abilities to the prosecution of their craft for the benefit of their masters. Thus, in a comparatively short time, beauty of design, richness of colouring, and fineness of workmanship raised the value of Florentine silk immeasurably. Just as in the case of foreign cloth, redressed by Florentine workpeople, the output of the silk looms of Florence commanded far and away better prices, in the European markets, than did the like produce of any other city or country.^ Her craftsmen excelled those of Lucca, Milan, Naples, Pisa, Genoa, Bolc^fna, and Ferrara, as well as those of Bergamo, Bassano, Vicenza, Verona, Padua, and other centres of the silk industry in Lombardy.* The two most important branches of the silk manufacture, — pure and simple, — ^were plain silk and silk-velvet or plush. The invention of velvet was due to the enterprise of the Velluti family, — hence the name, — who were already doing a thriving business in the thirteenth century. Inconvenienced by want of room, in their original workshops, off the Vicolo della Seta, they removed, along with other families and workmen engaged in the same kind of silk manufacture; and, somewhere about 1285, crossed the river, and established themselves in more spacious quarters in Oltramo. The Velluti erected large ware- houses and factories, in a new street, to which they gave the name of Via de' Velluti. This street soon became an important thoroughfare, and, because many other rising families built fine ^ Statuti deir Arte della Seta, Rub. xviil, xxv., xxxiv., xliiL, Ixii. ^ Pagnini, vol. ii. 115. > X H W < > • < R z ^ « t i - < U < r THE GUILD OF SILK 228 edifices along it, it was re-named Via Maggiore — the Via Maggio of to-day. There exists a Chronicle, — the original manuscript of which IS in the possession of the present Duca ,di San Clemente, Simone Velluti Zate, — which deals with the history of his house and its success in trade ; it was b^un in 1 300 by Donato di Lam- berto dei Velluti. A good many leaves are wanting in the first part, and there is the following suggestive note by Paolo Velluti, Mrho continued the Chronicle : — " Whatever is obliterated in these pages, I have done it to wipe out the memory of the enmities and vendettas of the men of our house." ^ A light kind of silk-tissue was much made called Drc^pi €leUe Ermisini, — Sarcenet, — which admitted of the admixture of inferior and watered down materials, a sort of "shoddy silk." This manufacture was discouraged, and under certain conditions, forbidden, as detracting from the reputation of the Florentine silk manufacturers. Silk-tissue, which was sold everywhere by weight, was woven in pieces measuring ordinarily twenty ulne — fore-arm's lengths.* Lapo Mazzei, the Notary, makes some sententious remarks in his " Letters " upon the morals and aims of the Florentine methods. He rather optimistically avers that they had in their minds more noble things than mere money gains, and he cites a " Treatise upon the Arte del|a Seta," written by an anonymous member of the Guild. The manuscript is preserved in the Laurentian Library at Florence ; the author inculcates not only admirable rules and recommendations for the successful carrying on of the industry, but also the more excellent way of transacting worldly business, by way of making accommodations with heaven ! The work is entitled : " A Manual of Theoretical and Practical Instruction for the use of Silk-manufacturers."' Its value is enhanced by many miniatures, — exquisitely drawn and * Donato Velluti, "Cronica," 1300-1370. * Cantini, vol. vii. 176. ' Girolamo GargiolU, *' TratUto del Secolo XV. '* 224 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE coloured, — of workpeople of both sexes, wearing the work-a-day dress of the period, and engaged in their several occupations. This " Manual " is based upon manuscripts and codices in the Biblioteca Ricciardiana, — bearing dates in and about 1453, — the Biblioteca Magliabecchiana, and in the Biblioteca Laurenziana of the approximate date of 1 5 1 7. The anonymous author makes use of the public records of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, and quotes freely from Goro Dati and Dino CompagnL He enters fully into all the details concerning raw-silk, its import, and its manipulation, together with descriptions of the machinery used, and the method of dyeing, with current values and sale- prices, etc. eta At the beginning, — after the customary invocation and dedica- tion,— are instructions for the treatment of pelo — raw-silk and cuttings, orsoio — sewing-silk, and irama — silk-thread for weaving the woof. The preparatory stages before dyeing were : sorting, steaming, boiling, and reeling. Recipes are given for dyeing green, brown-green, blue, vermilion, tawny, fustic-yellow, grey, and black. The methods of dyeing crimson and black, for example, are as follows : — Crimson : — ^** In dyeing crimson the silk must be left for a day, or better for a day and a night, in a solution of alum. In the morning wash out the alum in a trough of clear water, and fold the stuff in clean linen cloths. Have a cauldron of hot water ready, with a moderate amount of lye in it, add half the crimson dye, which has been well ground and sieved, and bring the mixture to a boil. It is very important that there be not too much lye, — for the inexperienced dyer is often too liberal in its use, fearing that the solution in the cauldron is not thick enough, — or the result will be a yellowish colour, and the process will have been useless." "Dip the alumed silk warily in the cauldron, then take it out, and place it in the alum bath again, for an hour or two. Again remove it, and dip in the cauldron again, then take it out, wash it well, and rinse it several times. This part of the process should be done in Amo water, or better still in water of the THE GUILD OF SILK 225 Mugnone, which is harder ; and the harder the water the greater its cleansing power." " The remaining part of the crimson dye is added from time to time, during the prepress of the various dippings. So far as the dyeing process has gone, it has merely fixed the first strain of colour. The dyer must now consider whether he has used coarse or fine crimson, and also the quantity of each. If he has had the fine crimson he must dip the substance in tepid alum-solution, then shake it five or six times in clean linen cloths, and dip, and leave it in the cauldron until the liquid is quite cold." " The next part of the process consists in shaking out a piece to see if it is to the dyer^s liking ; if it is, nothing further need be done : if it is not red enough, make the alum a little hotter again, and put it in as before, and continue repeating this until it is quite satisfactory." ** Remember that the more leisurely the process, and the colder, the better, clearer, more unblemished the stuff will be. Fine crimson stands wringing better than the coarse, and has more colour, pound for pound, — for one pound of fine is equal to two pounds of the coarse, — besides the fine is redder, and takes the alum better. The coarse crimson dyes very slightly, so that if the alum-solution is too hot all will be spoiled." " Remember that it is never a waste of time to stand and watch patiently the steeping in the cauldron, for loss may otherwise be incurred in the selling value of the material. If very deep red is required add a little Roman vitriol to the alum ; but this forced colouring is bad, and does not last, but fades easily." BlacJk : — " The stuff must be steeped in gall a whole day, or a day and a night The gall must boil for one hour in the cauldron, taking care that the latter is well filled, and boiling when the silk is put in. When it has boiled for an hour or more, take it out, wring it, and put it to cool — repeat this three times. If it is pelo or orsoio do not boil it in the cauldron, — for it has to endure hard wear, and boiling it in the p 226 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE black dye weakens it, — ^but pour the boiling solution over it Take it out and put it to cool as many times as necessary, until the sample shows that it is finished. When this has been done three times, put the material in the cauldron, so that it is com- pletely covered, and let it stand all night — then take it out and wash it Place a pan ready with washing-soap dissolved in it, put the stuff in, and soap it well, — for this soaping makes it lustrous, bright, and soft, — as otherwise it would be dark and harsh, and would split" " Many kinds of silk require great care in dyeing them black, such as the silk of Bruges, and others of weak fibre, which, if boiled in black dye, become so fragile that nothing can be done with them — this is not the case with Spanish and other stout qualities." The author goes on to g^ve several tables of figures which are interesting, as illustrations of the actual conditions under which the silk industry throve so greatly in Florence.* The first table is : — " Of Descriptions and Prices of Raw Silks " : — ^there are twenty varieties, including Seta Spagnolor-^Moted at Fl. 2, lo picdoU per pound weight, Seta Strana — foreign — Fl. 2, 4 piccioU^ Seta {P Almeria — Fl. 2, 5 piccioU^ Seta da Messina — Fl. 1,10 piccioH^ Seta da Modigliana — Fl. 2, 13 piccioli. Seta d' Abruzzi — FL 2, 5 picdoli and Seta Crespolina — 11 piccioli. The second table deals with the « Winding of Silk." All masters who employ silk-winders are required to pay the following prices per pound : — For all double skeins, five picdoli per pound, — for raw silk, six picdoli^ — for the woof used in weaving, seven picdoli^ — for single white skeins, eight picdoli^ — for white sewing silk, six picdoli^ — for the woof for Taffetta, nine picdoli, — for raw knotty silk, seven picdoU, — ^for fine Raso, — lustrous silk or satin, — ten picdoli. The prices, in ready money, for twisting and spinning silk were, for white sewing-thread — six picdoli, for single skeins — four picdoU, for spinning-silk-thread — eight picdoli per pound. When booked and paid for after the work was completed, these prices were increased fifty per cent * Pagnini, vol iil. p. 117. THE GUILD OF SILK 227 Another table gives the scale of payment for weaving per braccia — Broccato d'Oro^ — gold brocade, — from eighteen to six silver florins, according to the weight per ounce of gold ; Velluto ^^^Damaschina — silk woven with floral and other patterns, like silk from Damascus — one florin each ; Rctso — sixteen pkcioli ; Taffetta — five picdoU ; Ciambellotto^ — silk-camlet, roughish surface like modem Como rugs, — twelve piccioli ; Saia — silk-serge, — mixed with wool — a favourite and strong material for the body-hose and doublets worn by men — one florin eighteen picciolu The weight of silk warp, per braccio, varied considerably : — T^6ano Raso^ — thin satin, — ^and Ciambellotto weighed each twelve d(X9tari ; Velluto — fourteen danari ; and Damaschino — ^twenty-four da:nari. The woof also varied in weight per bracdo : — VeUuto^ D€^niasckino dSid Taffetta — each one ounce, six danari; Zetano-Raso^ — ^raised satin,— one ounce, eighteen dattari ; Ciambellotta — two oances ; and Seta di Capitone — stout silk serge, three ounces. Woven tissues of silk were of different weights, per braccio : — DamascAino and Raso — Colorato Scempia — single-coloured satin, each two ounces six danario ; detto doppi — ditto double, two ounces sixteen danari ; Taffetta colorata — coloured taffettas, one ounce sixteen dattari; Velluto colorato — coloured velvet, three ounces ; ditto nero — ditto black, three ounces twelve danari ; Ciambellotto — ^three ounces ; and Saia — four ounces. The sizes too of the silk pieces were dissimilar in breadth : Velluto piano — plain velvet, and Raso — satin — each measured one braccio; Damaschino — one and a quarter braccio; BrocateUa — a light brocade, — Taffetta^ and Saia^ each one braccio seven-eighths. Another table deals with the " Prices paid for dyeing silk per pound weight": — Cremisi, crimson, two dips — Verde Bruno^ olive-^reen, — Alessandrino^ pale blue, each two silver florins ; Pago- naszo-Cermisi^ di Grana, and di Versino — ^violet crimson, violet ivy- red, and violet Brazil-red — one florin fifteen piccioli; Zafferano — saffron, Vermiglio, — ^vermilion, and Azzuro — light-blue, each one florin &wt piccioli; Verde — green, and Cermisi — crimson — ^a single dip, each one florin ; Bigio — grey, Tane- — ^tan-colour, Giallo di 228 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE Scotano — fustic-yellow, each twelve piccioU ; Nera — ^black, cost fifteen picciolt. The sale-prices of silk materials, per braccio^ in the Retail shops of the For Santa Maria ranged as follows : — Brocades : — Deep crimson — Flo. 2, 6, 8 ; Violet-crimson — Flo. 2, 5, o ; Farti-coloured — Flo. i, 13, 4 ; Black — Flo. i, 18, o. Satins: — Deep crimson — Flo. 2, 3, o; Violet-crimson — Flo. 2 ; Parti-coloured — Flo. i, 6, 8 ; Black — Flo. i, 5, o. Damasks: — ^Deep crimson — Flo. 2; Violet-Crimson, Flo. i^ 17,6; Parti-coloured — Flo. i, 2, o; Black — Flo. i. By weight — ^per pound — the prices were as follows : — Satins: — Deep crimson — Flo. 6 ; Violet-Crimson — Flo. 5, 5 ; Parti-coloured — Flo. 4, 15 ; Black — -Flo. 3, 17, 6. Taffettas: — Deep -crimson — Flo. 7, 10; Violet - Crimson — Flo. 6, 10; Parti-Coloured — Flo. 3, 17; Black — Flo. 3, 15; and Dull red — Flo. 4, 10. Other qualities and descriptions of silk-tissue are also quoted in the '' Manual," but the forgoing will suffice to show the values which obtained generally in the sixteenth century. During the fourteenth century the full style of the Guild was : " V ArU delta Seta e di Drafpi d'Oro, e degli Orafi " — "" The Guild, of Silk and Cloth of Gold Manufacturers and Goldsmiths." The addition of " Goldsmiths "' to the title of the Guild points to the importance of that group of artists and artificers. The working in precious metals established a new profession for artistically disposed Florentines : a profession which ranked on an equality — if it did not indeed surpass them — with the Company of Painters attached to the ''Guild of Doctors and Apothecaries," and the Society of Sculptors and Architects affiliated with the lesser " Guild of Masters in Stone and Wood." So much the vogue did gold and silver work become that a special Guild sprang into existence, early in the fourteenth century, which bore the title ol^'LArU degli Orefici" — ^" Guild of Workers in Gold and Silver." Every boy who displa}red art talent was apprenticed to a goldsmith, and thus almost every »:^ -.. rr— ARMS OF (;UIIJ) OK SU.K rXiNATKLI.O THE GUILD OF SILK 229 one of the famous painters, sculptors, potters, and decorative workers of all kinds, were enrolled members of "The Guild of Goldsmiths." In the middle of the century there were actually as many as forty-four goldsmiths' shops upon the Ponte Vecchio, — a position assigned to them by the Council of State, — the united rentals of which amounted annually to upwards of eight hundred gold florins.^ In 1322 three Examiners were appointed by the ^^ Por Santa Maria'' to look into the Statutes and R^ulations of the sub- ordinate " Guild of Goldsmiths." The result of their inquiries was seen in the admission of the Master-craftsmen to full membership in the Greater Guild on the same terms as the existent members. All disputes between Masters and Apprentices were to be decided by the Consuls of the Silk Guild.^ Goldsmiths were authorised to work in all metals, but every article made had to be submitted for approval to appointed Inspectors, and each thing passed required the stamp of the maker's name and his trade mark. For gold work the metal employed had to be of equal value to that used for the gold florin, but gold, worked into wreaths and personal ornaments, required the admixture of sulphur. No goldsmith was allowed to exercise his craft outside his own dwelling-house or workshop. The Consuls of the Silk Guild had the right to visit and inspect workers, work done, and materials in preparation, when- ever they were so minded Severe measures were, from time to time, taken to prevent the use of imitation, or base, gold and silver thread. For church vestments, especially, care was taken that the gold and silver were of the best quality, from Cyprus, Olivio, and Colonia. Ecclesiastics and the Generals of the Monasteries were forbidden to make use of any but the best metal for the decoration of altars, sacred Images, etc. etc. ; and they were also forbidden to dispose of such objects to Second-hand Dealers and Pawnshops. 1 Vasvi. vol ii. 14. ' Archivio del Stato Fiorentino, Strozzi Uguccioni,— quoted by Davidssohn, voL iii. 1273. P- *'«• 230 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE Early in the fifteenth centuiy the weaving of spun "cloth of gold ** as it was called was introduced by members of ths Guild who had travelled in the East, and had learned something of the manufacture of this magnificent texture.^ According to Gino Capponi, the introduction of gold and silver*tissue spinning and weaving took place in 1422. He also asserts that the best gold-thread came from Sicily and Cyprus* Along with its manufacture by the Florentine silk-looms came a marked enrichment of the attire of private citizens and of the State- robes of public dignitaries. As early as the year 1 296 two rich pieces of cloth of gold were manufactured in honour of Cardinal Pietro di Pipemo, which were valued at thirty-nine gold florins. The robe of Filippa di Giotti Peruzzi, — on her marriage to Carlo d^li Adimari,— of fine silk velvet embroidered in gold, cost two hundred and sixty-nine gold florins, whilst her going away dress cost twenty gold florins more, but it comprised a rick silk gonnella — a petticoat or shirt, and a guamacca — a full embroidered morning-gown. Notwithstanding this great prosperity of the trade, the " Guild of Workers in Gold and Silver " had but a very ephemeral existence. At the revision of the Statutes of the Silk Guild in 1335 it was suppressed, and its members were drafted, with full and equal rights and privil^es, into the greater corporation.' "The Guild of Goldsmiths," — ''Arte degli Orafil' — in contra- distinction to the "Guild of Workers in Gold and Silver," — "^ Arte degli Orefici** — continued its operations, and became, in the six- teenth century, one of the most important and wealthy corporations in Florence. Among famous goldsmiths were, Andrea Arditi, Bernardo Cenni, Lorenzo Ghiberti, Tommaso degli Ghirlandaji, L. Nero, Antonio di Sandro, Antonio Salvi, Paolo Uccello, Benvenuto Cellini, and Filippo Brunelleschi. The latter was enrolled in the ^ Bnickhardt, " Der Cultur des Renaissance in Italien," i. 77. ' Ammirato, Lib. xviii. p. 998. ' G. Gonetta, " Bibliografia SUtntaria." THE GUILD OF SILK 231 " ArU degU Orafi*' under the great " Silk Guild " in 1 398, and he was made a freeman of the latter in 1414. These dates point to the fact that the " Silk Guild " extended its patronage and protection over goldsmiths in general, and not merely over workers in gold and silver-tissue. The creations however of the former hardly belong to the history of the " Por INTBRIOR OP A GOLDSMITH'S WORKSHOP. SIXTBBNTH CBNTURY. Santa Maria^' but form a subject apart from the industry of silk and precious-metal weaving. There is no doubt that in Florence the goldsmith's art stood very high in the times with which we are dealing. The gold- smiths were artists, and therefore most of the workers in chiselled gold and silver, and engravers of gold and precious stones attained a high reputation, and it may be truly said, the work of the Florentine goldsmiths far surpassed, in exquisiteness and origrinality of design, that of any other city. The combination of silk with gold and silver led to the 232 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE introduction of a new and beautiful art — ^the making of laceSi This specially found votaries in the Convents, where the nuns instructed their lay sisters in the elegant manipulations of bobbin and stiletto. Savonarola rebuked the Religious for " devoting their time to the vain fabrication of gold laces with which to adorn persons and houses." This exquisite work, — of which eveiy important collection of vestures possesses an example, — ^is still called " opera cU numache " — " nun's work." Henry VIII. of England and his queens were very partial to Florentine lace. He granted to two Florentine merchants the privil^e of importing for three years " all manner of frynges and parsements, wrought in gold and silver and otherwise." The embroiderers and embroideries of Florence were more famous than any others. Philip, Duke of Burgundy, was a great patron and collector of cloths of gold sewn over with pearls, corals, and other valuable materials. Antonio Pollaiuolo, and many other painters and goldsmiths, designed small cartoons to be worked in silk- tissue and ornaments. One, Paolo, — ^a Venetian artist settled in Florence, — occupied quite twenty-six years in embroidering altar hangings representing the life of Saint John the Baptist for the Baptistery, which had all the appearance of brush work. Women specially excelled in this artistic craft, and their energies were turned towards making ecclesiastical vestments in which the richest textures were covered with gold filagree-work and gems. Pope Paul III. gave many commissions to the Floren- tine embroiderers. Another very beautiful art was the painting and gemming of fine muslins and laces. The Florentine Velettai — veil-makers — were celebrated, not only for their taste, but also for their skill in weaving mixtures of silk, wool, and cotton with the finest strands of metal. Doubtless ideas were gathered, and patterns drawn, from Eastern fabrics imported from the Orient For a lengthened period such influences were apparent in the work turned out, but in the fifteenth century — if not earlier — a marked emancipation THE GUILD OF SILK 288 from restraint and convention is noticeable in the output of the Florentine workshops and studios. Painting on silk and satin was greatly admired in old Florence. This form of decorative art developed in two direc- tions : first, blending of colours, purely in the style of a pig- ment-master, and, secondly, mosaic painting, in which the colours were not mixed together but laid side by side in patches. This added much to richness of effect, because strips and borders of the material were left showing. In all the Sacristies of Florence, and many more in Europe, there are preserved exquisite examples of this method. No doubt the development of this art was due to the fashion of painting the gonfalons of the Guilds and Com- panies, and the shields and bucklers of cavaliers. The baldachinos of churches, and the frontals of altars were generally treated in this manner with adornments of gold and silver lace. Codices written in 1487 by Balducci Pegolotti, and by Giovanni da Uzzano, descriptive of the Catasto of 1427, preserve many very interesting details concerning the silk trade. Several minute instructions are given concerning the methods of manu- facture, and lists are added with respect to quality, weight, and value of different sorts of raw silk.^ The ^^ Por Santa Maria^^ contributed greatly to the wealth and magnificence of Florence during the fourteenth, fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. "In 1472," says Benedetto Dei,* " the number of workshops belonging to the Guild was eighty-four, wherein the industry of weaving cloth of gold, silver brocade, and silk tissue of every colour and texture, was carried on." Upwards of sixteen thousand operatives and superior workmen were employed in the manufacture of silk, and its adjuncts, within the city and Contado. Silk stuffs were despatched to Lyons, Geneva, Antwerp, Naples, Rome, Sicily, Provence, Roumania, Spain, Levant, Morocco, Barbary, and elsewhere. No consignments of such goods were made, strange to say, to England and Germany for general ^ No. xvii., 1427, Biblioteca-Laarenmiuu ' '* Cronica," pp. 22-44. 284 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE sale. Royal patronage however was not wanting, for Henry VII. of England, — ever a patron of foreigners of ability and research,-^- appointed, in 1516, Leonardo Frescobaldo and Antonio Cavallari, Purveyors of gold and silver cloth to the Court, with salaries of ;C20 each. The last-named Florentine was also employed to gild the tomb of Henry VIII. at Windsor. There is extant a letter of Henry VII. addressed to the Signoria} recommending Antonio Corsi, — a Florentine agent, high in the favour of the king, — whom he was sending to Florence, " to purchase gold cloth and silks, sufficient to load three mules." The household book of Henry VIII. contains records of pay- ments to the Florentine banker-merchants Frescobaldi, Bardi, Corsi, Cavalcanti, and others for pieces of cloth of gold.^ These were required, doubtless, to furnish the magnificent uniforms and decorations of the famous '* Field of the Cloth of Gold," as well as for use by the King and the Court in England Ser Antonio Guidotti, — the n^otiator of loans for the King, who was knighted for his successful financial measures, — was a great promoter of the silk industry. In a letter to Thomas Cromwell, written in 1536, he offered to bring over to England a party of silk-weavers from Messina. He was a Florentine, and employed many craftsmen from his native place. During the fifteenth century Duke Ftlippo Maria Visconti of Milan was a patron of the Florentine silk industry. He invited silk workers to settle in that city, for the purpose of instructing the native Milanese in the details of manufacture, and in spite of prohibitions, some accepted the Duke's liberal terms : — " a generous monthly stipend, full political rights, and ten years' exemption from taxes, both for themselves, and for any agents who might co- operate with them." The founders of the celebrated French manufactories of silk and velvet at Lyons, Montpellier, Avignon and other centres, were undoubtedly Florentines. Traditions and traces of their u-orks ^ Aichivio Fiorentino, ** Atti Pubblichi," 1498. * Brit. Muaeom MSS., 2481. THE GUILD OF SILK 235 and methods still linger among the operatives there. The same may be said of England. A notable family held a prominent place in the Silk Guild, that of the Guicciardini. The historian, man of affairs and courtier, Francesco Guicciardini, who flourished in the middle of the sixteenth century, — from whose literary works many quotations are made in this volume, — had a share in a silk manufactory, along with Jacopo and Lorenzo di Bernardo S^^i and their Company. His " Ricordi Politici e Civili de Firenze " was written during the siege of Florence by the Emperor and the Pope in 1 529-30. Sir Richard Dallington, in his " Survey of the Great Duke's Estate," makes lengthy references to the Silk Industry, and to the cultivation of worms and mulberries. The late date, — 1596, — of this characteristic record, suggests, too, the fact that the same Grand Duke, and his two immediate predecessors, by their un- called for and unwise interference in the Silk-industry, — as well as in the other trades of Florence, — practically led to the ruin of the commercial life of the splendid old city and her princely merchants. Signs of decadence in the trade made their appearance in the middle of the sixteenth century. Foreign competition, with a more general spread of the industry, and the improvement of communications, may be set down as reasons ; but, doubtless, the principal contributory causes were the amazing prosperity of the City, and the self-indulgence of her citizens. Workgirls and their companions began to sing : — " Lunediy — lunediai ; " Monday, — Mondayish. Martediy — nan lavorai ; Tuesday, — nobody works. MercoUdiy — persi la rocca ; Wednesday, — take up the distaff. Giavedi^ — la retrovai ; Thursday, — lay it down again. Venerdi^ — la 'ucanocchiai ; Friday, — ^willy-nilly. Sabato^ — mi lauai la testa ; Saturday, — let us wash our heads. E Domenica^ — Verafesta ! " Sunday, — ^well, that's the festa!"^ 1 Girolamo GargioUi, ** L'Arte della SeU in Fircnze e Dialoghi," p. 229. Chapter VIII THE GUILD OF DOCTORS AND APOTHECARIES VARTE DBT MEDICI E DEQLI 8PEZIALI I. Origin. — Elemental knowledge of Medicine and Surgery in the Middle Ages. Salema Occult sciences. Earliest Florentine Physician, 934. Guild in existence, 1197. College of Doctors, 1218. Taddeo d' Alderotti— '' ^.^^ cratisto^ II. Constitution. — Strict examination of candidates for membership. Matteo Palmieri. Two divisions of the Guild. Code of 131 3. Apprentices. Midwives. III. Doctors. — Their assumptions of superiority. Dress. Manners. Etiquette. Petrarch's squib. Strange remedies. " The sea (or river) wrashes away all human ills 1 " Cabbages. " Pratica di Niccolo da Firense** Recipes. Guglielmo di Saliceto. Anatomy. Professional fees. Quacks. Mercato Vecchio. IV. Apothecaries. — Social inferiority. Caution-money. Licenses. Sales of drugs safeguarded. Famous Pharmacies. Greek scholars welcomed by Cosimo de* Medici. Albarelli, Funerals. Records of PriarisU and ZibaldtmL Perfumes. Buccheri. Haberdashery. ^^ DArte d^ Merciai^ Velettai^ Pro- fumieri e Cartolai,** Many affiliated trades. Agents and salesmen. Pro- fessional Banks. V. Patronage of the Guild.— Literature. Famous men of letters. Dante. Printing. Woodcuts. Scrivam, I^trai, Painting. Celebrated painters. Cimabue. ^^ LArte di Pittori^ Florentine Lodge of Guild of St Luke. Trattato della Pittura. Stained-glass windows. Geogpraphical re- search. Toscanelli and Vespucci. '* A Great Guild ! " IN the Middle Ages the science of Medicine was in a deplor- able condition, and the knowledge of Chemistry was quite elementary. Sui^ery was hardly practised at all, and, as it was deemed impious to dissect the dead human body, anatomy was practically unknown.^ Herbalists and dealers in simples were held in higher esteem than medicine-makers, apothecaries, and distillers.. As a science the cult of medicine did not go beyond the use of the horoscope, ' Targioni-Tozzetti, •• Prodromio," p. 83. 336 DOCTORS AND APOTHECARIES 237 the examination of urine, and a few carefully g^uarded secrets, of which the Jews were the chief depositories.^ The use of the knife had practically died out Cautery and the setting of bones represented the whole of experimental surgery. The extraction of teeth, phlebotomy, and all such minor operations, were complacently submitted to the skill of the ubiquitous barber, or dubiously committed to the tender mercies of the casual empiric. The influence of the occult sciences upon human destiny and human suffering ever excited the imagination of the curious. The alchemist's robe, the astrologer's wand, and the doctor's spectacles, betokened the possession of mystic powers, which were the admiration of the credulous^ Wealth seemed to be linked to fame in the exploitation of medicine and its sister sciences, and that was quite a sufficient recommendation in the eyes of shrewd business men. The lamp of science had doubtless been kept alight in the Monasteries, but its glow did not illuminate the outside darkness. Consequently, when the founding of Universities became a feature of the times, much that was known only in secret chambers and cells, b^an to be revealed to the growing intelligence of mankind in general. Bologna, Ravenna, Padua, and Salerno, and other centres of light and leading, opened their doors to an expectant world. Among the earliest faculties sought there were the sciences of Practical Medicine and Experimental Surgery. Thither went many a Florentine lad, the bearer of his parents' hopes. In due time these pioneer-adventurers returned home again to preach and to practise what they had heard and seen in school and hospital. The earliest mention of physicians, in the Florentine Archives,* bears the date of 934 ; when it is noted that one '^ Amalpertius," a deacon of the Church, was also a medico^ and was styled Domino Messerer In 1070 ''Britulus" is named, "who was a ^ '* L' Osservatore Fiorentino," vol. tL p. 147. * Aichivio del Archevesoovo Fioientino. 238 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE well-known doctor." Piero, Abbot of the Badia, speaks, in 1090, of " Giovanni, our most estimable doctor and friend." The names of many doctors and physicians are recorded in subsequent years. Their incorporation in a Guild was accomplished early in the twelfth century. This was probably due to the same considerations which led to the incorporation of the Merchant Guilds — ^the benefit of mutual and united action. That a Guild of Doctors was already an active body in 1 197 is proved by the fact that in that year the signatures of the Consuls are appended, along with those of the Consuls of other Guilds, to the anti-imperial League of Tuscan cities, — at the head of which was Florence, — and they signed as representing "The Guild of Doctors and Apothecaries." This fact also proves the association in one community of two classes of men, quite distinct in social importance, but each depending upon the other for existence and opportunity. Somewhere about the year 12 18 we first come across the existence of a CoU^^ of Doctors and Apothecaries, established very much upon the lines of the old Roman and Imperial Collegia. Its members included not only doctors, apothecaries, physicians, and chemists, but also surgeons and midwives — the two latter classes were, however, quite insignificant and subordinate. The founder of the Florentine School of Medicine was Taddeo d'Alderotti. He was bom in Florence in 1223, and was sent by his father, — a Corn-chandler, — to study at Bologna. He first of all gave his attention to Greek literature and philosophy, of which faculty he became in due time the professor. His translations of Aristotle's " Ethics,** and his commentaries of Galen and others, gained him much fame. Dante speaks of '* Taddeo's lore." ' Hippocrates, and his history of human disease, greatly attracted him, and he gained the name of " / IppocroHsto " — " The Hippo- cratean," as recorded in Dante*s " Convito'* The date of Taddeo's establishment as a professor of medicine 1 ** Paradise," Canto xii. DOCTORS AND APOTHECARIES 239 in Florence is uncertain ; but two circumstances seem to point to the year 1278, for there are records, which give the name of one of his earliest Florentine pupils, — Dino del Garbo, who after- vards became a preacher of the Order of Cistercians, — and also state that he united the teaching of medicine with the calling of a Corn-chandler, in the public granary at Or San Michele, in that year. Dino del Garbo's son, Tommaso, was also a pupil of Taddeo, and both are referred to at length by Villani.^ Taddeo's fame was great Among his patients was Pope Honorius IV., a sufferer from gout, which quite incapacitated him from saying Mass. His Holiness having been restored to health, thankfully bestowed six thousand ducats ( = i^ 3,000) upon the great doctor. Taddeo's reputation, and his fees also, rose im- mensely. From a wealthy merchant he demanded as much as fifty to one hundred gold florins for a brief consultation! * Other famous professors of the medical and surgical faculties in Florence were Giambattista Torr^ano and Michele Vieri — both pupils of Taddeo d' Alderotti. What the exact relations of the Guild with the College or School were, no records appear to state ; but that the latter was subordinate to the former is certain. ■ ••.••■*. A Statute of the Guild lays down that : — " no doctor may be admitted a member of the College, nor be allowed to practise, unless he has first been publicly examined by the Consuls of the Guild." • This was doubtless, more or less, a perfunctory exercise, for the candidate had already obtained his degree and qualification at his university. It had reference, probably, to social standing, and, not a little, to the good conceit the applicant had of himself! Another Statute names the Apothecary members of the Guild, but imposes no examination, as in the case of the Doctors. > F. VilUni, '* Viu di Taddeo d'Alderotti." * L' Osserratore Fiorentino, vol. i. 134, p. 301. * Sutnti, Lib. iv. Act it Stat. 53. 240 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE The activities and importance of the Guild grew propo ately. In 1282, at the second election of Priors, one c number chosen was a member of the ''Guild of Doctors DOCTOR VISITING A FBVBR PATIBNT. 150a Apothecaries." A few years later, in 1296, the Matricu Roll of the Guild was adorned with its most celebrated nai the annals of Florence, — ^the immortal writer of the "/ Comnudia " — Dante Alighieri. DOCTORS AND APOTHECARIES 241 A very distinguished member of the Guild, who matriculated n 1333, was Matteo Palmieri. He was also a writer of poetry, lis ** Citta di Vita " is very reminiscent of the work of Dante. He realised the highest ambition of all Florentines by being ippointed ambassador; his mission was to the Court of the King of Naples. '' The ambassador/' says a quaint old historian — Giovanni Battista Gello, who was a tailor by trade but a free student in the university also, — ^ behaved himself very wisely, and the king did aske what manner of man he was in his own countrey, and it was told him that he was an Apothecary. ' If the apothecaries,' quoth the king, ' be so wise and learned in Florence, what be their physicians ? ' " ^ A Code of Statutes was issued by authority in 13 13. Its provisions corresponded in general terms with those of the "^ Calimala" Statutes of 1 301-9, and additions were made in 1 3 16, and again in 1 349. Complete revisions of Statutes, Regulations, Bye-laws, and of the whole Constitution of the Guild, were effected in 141 5 and 1468, and further additions were made in 1558 and 1571. In the recension of 141 5, it was enacted that no one under the age of fifteen years should be apprenticed to a doctor of medicine, surgeon, barber, midwife, or any one else who had care of the sick. All such persons were required to establish their reputation for honesty, morality, and mental and ph)rsical fitness before being matriculated.* Doctors were permitted to enter into partnership with apothe- caries, on mutual terms : the former sending patients to the latter with their prescriptions, and the latter recommending patients to the former.' Under all these laws the number of Consuls was always four. They had unlimited jurisdiction over all physicians and apothe- caries, as well as over all surgeons, midwives, herbalists, distillers, * " PcDioM d'Altnii," 1537. * " StataU Popali et Commiinis Florentiae,** 141 5, cottaaia 1775, Freiburg, Rub. lii. * Rob. liv. Q 242 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE and all persons connected, directly or indirectly, with the faculties of medicine and surgery. In Jacopo di Cessolis' moralisation upon the " Plsiye of Chesse," — published by Antonio Miscomini, and already referred to, — the personality of a Doctor-apothecary is exhibited by the Queen's Pawn as follows : ^ " The pawne that is sette to fore the Quene signefyeth the Physicyen Spiceo and Apotyquaire and is formed in the figure of a man and he is sette in a chayer on a maystre and holdeth in his right hand a book and an ample or a boxe wyth oynementis in his left hand and at his gurdelle his instruments of yron and of sylver for to make incysions and to serche woundes and hurtes and to culte apostumes, and by these thinges ben knowen the cyrugyens. By the book ben under- standen the phisicyens and all gramaryens, logicyens, maistres of lawe, of geometrye arismetuyque musique and of astronomye and by the amjx^le being signefied the makers of pigmentaries spicers and apothequayres and they that make confections and confytes and medecynes made wyth precyous spyces and by the ferrement and instrumentis that hangeing on the gurdell ben signefied the cyrurgens and the maistres." The Residence of the Consuls of the Guild was one of the finest in the city. It was formerly the Palazzo de' Lamberti, at the comer of the Via di Sant' Andrea, massive and imposing in appearance. The Hall of Audience was specially handsome, it was adorned with fine marble sculptures, and a finely painted ceiling. Each of the allied or subordinated Guilds, or divisions, contributed some characteristic adornment : — painters, miniaturists, porcelain- makers, haberdashers and silk agents, perfumers, etc etc The ceiling is now preserved among the treasures of the Museo di San Marco. On the facade of the Residence was displayed the escutcheon of the Guild — ^the Madonna and Child supported by two pots of growing Annunciation lilies. The same device was repeated in white upon a red field in the Guild gonfalon. • ••••••• 1 *• Gttioccho delle Scacchi," 1493. DOCTORS AND APOTHECARIES 243 Doctors, physicians, and surgeons, numbered no more than sixty during the first half of the thirteenth century, out of a total population of nearly one hundred thousand ; but their im- DOCTORS IN CON8ULTATION.--I50O portance, not to say arrogance, increased in an inverse ratio. Their functions were very much more theoretical than practical, and, for the most part, they were content to wear the habiliments peculiar to their profession, and to pose as men of science, rather than actually to practise the faculty to which they belonged. 244 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE Doctors, who had graduated at a university, never appeared in public except with full and long robes, ornamented with scarlet and vair-skin, after the fashion of knights, and a fiir hood depended from their shoulders, after the manner of Capuchin monks. A velvet cap or hat, and gloves completed their pro- fessional costume. Generally they were accompanied by a groom leading a horse, which they usually made a show of mounting in the Mercato Vecchio. In common with doctors of laws, and men of upwards of seventy years of age, doctors of medicine were exempt from serving with the military companies of their sestUri. It was a custom, common enough in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, for doctors of medicine to fix their pro- fessional residence and consulting-room at an apothecary's : a mutual agreement was come to, whereby the doctor prescribed only drugs sold by his own apothecary. In later times, when the dignity of the profession had suffered somewhat at the hands of commercial agents, doctors set up as independent retailers of drugs ; but such *' double dealing " does not appear to have been very profitable either to them, or to their patients. The diagnosis of physical ailments, no less than the casting of psychical horoscopes, had little to do with the actual treatment of sickness. The Doctor seated upon his horse, or ensconced in his easy-chair, spectacles on nose, pompously prescribed the remedy, writing it out in almost illegible characters, which became a fruitful source of maladministration of drugs. Professional etiquette required, first of all, the feeling of the pulse, and the exhibition of the tongue, and these amenities were enjoyed as readily in the open market as in the consultation-room. The next stage was the elaborate swathing of an afflicted member in linen cloths, dipped in water, and the commission of the patient to the tender mercies of the Apothecary. That profane babbler, Nello the barber, so amusingly described in *' Romola " running his rigs at the Doctors and Apothecaries, asks : — '*^ What sort of inspiration do you expect to get from the DOCTORS AND APOTHECARIES 245 scent of nauseous vegetable decoctions ? — to say nothing of the fact that you no sooner pass the threshold, than you see a doctor of physic, like a gigantic spider, disguised in fur and scarlet, waiting for his prey, or even see him blocking up the doorway, seated on a bony hack inspecting saliva." ^ Petrarch had a jovial appreciation of the doctors of his day : — ** When I see a doctor coming I know all that he is going to say to me," he laughingly exclaimed, — ** Eat a pair of young pullets, drink much warm water, and use the remedy that the storks teach us I " ' A very favourite process for any malady of the head, — ' whether simple headache, or more serious ailments, — ^was to shave ofT all the hair, and then to hold the bare pate to the scorching heat of a blazing fire ! An excellent embrocation, for any part of the body, was considered to be soap made of myrrh, boiled in water impr^^ated with crushed ivy flowers, and mixed with the yoke of ^g. For stifT neck, or stiffness of the bones and limbs, a wash was used compounded of wine and tincture of assafoetida, which was rubbed in with force until the skin began to bleed, or the bone of the skull was laid bare ! The favourite poultice was made of honey and assafoetida with betony powder, and other ingredients, and apph'ed hot Warm drinks, — sweet and nauseous, — were commonly imbibed, and men in armour were plied with steaming potions to keep off the cold shock of the steel they wore. Persons suffering from fever were advised to plunge into cold water ! Profuse bleeding was stopped by cautery — binding the source round with stout cord, and setting it on fire with a candle f * Obstructions in the ear were treated with hot poultices for thirty days, if relief was not obtained, smart raps were adminis- tered to the unoffending ear ! " This practice," — ^as it was quaintly ^ George £Uot, ''Romola," chapters iu.-xvi., etc. * J. F. A. de Sade, <* M^moires pour la Vie de P6trarque/' vol. Ui. 768. * G. Boccaccio, " Decamerone," Giom. iT., ATifv. 10, vol. li. p. 260. 246 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE said,^ — '^ is founded upon the fact that when a dagger gets jammed in its sheath, the final resource for its release is a sharp blow." ' Water-treatment, accompanied by applications of syrups and purgatives, was a favourite remedy for all stomachic ailments, and for skin diseases. For the richer citizens, a course of baths at Siena was prescribed. This was a fine satire ; for nothing did the ordinary Florentine love more than to score off his worsted foe of old, by pacing with lordly step up and down those crooked streets, and such advice was acted upon with alacrity ! For the poorer classes, who could not afford the Sienese viUegiatura^ there was the bath in the loggia of the Ponte Vecchio, fed by the water of the Amo, the medicinal virtues of which were always loudly extolled by the medical and pharmaceutical faculties. It was specific, they averred, in all poor men's ailments, and of it was said, in old Florence, as of the ocean deep : — ^^ The sea washes away all human ills." ^ The humble cabbage was greatly extolled, — ^as were, in turn, all the vegetable treasures of the garden and the field, — as a panacea for all the aches and pains of poor humanity. It was eaten raw, or cooked, and even the water in which it was prepared, was deemed a health-giving beverage.* 'The following is a satirical rhyme, which an old chronicler puts into the mouth of many a despairing patient of the old Florentine f9tedicos : — *' There's never a herb nor a root, Nor any remedy to boot Which can stave death off by a foot ! '' * One of the most celebrated doctor-surgeons of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries was Messer Niccolo di Francesco Falucci, who was styled " Medicus dactissimusr He wrote many tractates — ^the most highly esteemed being, '' Pratica di Niccolo da Firense'* — for such was his common name. Among medicines > F. Sacchctti, *'Ncv.'' 37, vol. i. p. 159. ^ Sacchetti, **Nev,** 168, t. iii. p. 41. ^ L'Osservatore Fiorentino, Lib. vi. p. 35. * C. Sprengel, " Hist, of Medicine," vol. i. 138. ^ G. A. L. Cibnrio, voL i. p. 371. DOCTORS AND APOTHECARIES 247 which he introduced was that of '^ GiuUppo di Niccolo** a famous medicament in those days. Niccolo died in 1412. What has become of all the countless scrips and scraps whereon the famous doctors of old time scored their recipes — who can say ? No more than five books of prescriptions remain to us, and the oldest of them bears the date 1498. These were doubt- less printed from the original manuscripts, and of them a copy is preserved in the Sacristy of the Cathedral of Florence.^ It is stated that during his last illness Messer Piero Guicciar- dini made use of certain pills to be taken at dinner and supper time, which were made for him by Meo da Siena. The following is the prescription : * — Dramnu. Magnetised storax . . . . ^ Coloc)mth • 4i Rhubarb . . 4^ Powder of fine wax . i J Tree-mallow . .1 Fine turpeth . . . . i Rectified scammony .... 4 Clove and lavender . \ Hepatic aloes .... 6 All steeped in white wine and made into pills. The multiplicity of compounds very likely did little to preserve the old man's life — possibly it was shortened I Lorenzo de' Medici's end, in 1492, was certainly hastened by his medical treatment The famous Milanese specialist, — Messere Lazaro da Ficino, — was called into consultation by the " Magnifico's " resi- dent physician, — Messere Piero Leoni da Spoleto, — but the case was hopeless. As though to mark the high human value of the patient's life they lavishly prescribed a potion of crushed pearls and rubies ! One of the earliest Florentine surgeons who made a name, was Guglielmo di Saliceto da Piacenza. He was the author of > Haller, " Biblioteca Medica," vol. i. p. 481. * MS. Diario di Monaldi, p. 98. 248 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE a Treatise on Surgery, which appeared in the second half of the thirteenth century. Some progress was made in the science of surgery by the foundation in Naples, in 1249, ^Y Frederic II. of a Chair of m^mmr SURGEONS OPERATING.— 1500 Anatomy, but the Emperor's laudable example was not followed anywhere else. Not until well on in the fifteenth century was any serious attempt made to take up the study of surgery, and then traces are discernible of an attempt to tackle the science at Ferrara.^ ^ Cibrario, toI. i. p. 444* DOCTORS AND APOTHECARIES 249 No very celebrated Florentine surgeon made his mark before the sixteenth century. The greatest master was probably Antonio Benevieni a member of an erudite family. The disesteem with which practitioners were r^arded in the fifteenth century, at all events, is quaintly told by the author of " Romola " : — " Is it the Florentine fashion," asks Maestro Tacco of Nello the barber, " to put the masters of the science of medicine on a level with men who do carpentry on broken limbs, and sew up wounds like tailors, and carve away excrescences as a butcher trims meat? A manual art such as any artificer might learn, and which has been practised by simple barbers like you — on a level with the noble science of Hippocrates, Galen, and Avi- cenna . . ! " ^ Villani, in his record of the Population of Florence in 1300, says the Doctors and Surgeons numbered sixty whose names were entered upon the Matriculation Roll of the Guild. The fees paid to doctors and surgeons were undetermined by the Collie Rules and by the Guild Statutes. They varied con- siderably in amount, and were, perhaps, in direct ratio with individual purses and reputations. The State paid its medical assistants, for professional work in connection with its officials, and with criminals, at a niggard rate. For example, in 1292, Ser Guido di Jacopo and Ser Orlando di Giovanni were called in to treat the feet of five men injured in the pillory. Their recompense was a beggarly sum of fifty soldi each ! On the other hand, established practitioners received from two to five gold florins for each ordinary consulta- tion, whilst they, and less well known physicians, were content also to take payment in kind, — merchandise, wine, and market produce. The high fees paid to Taddeo d'Alderotti were not excep- tional, for, in 1336, Bonifacio Peruzzi summoned the celebrated doctor Messere Alberto da Bologna, to cure him of a bad throat, and paid him sixty gold florins.^ > Geofge Eliot, " Romola," chap. xvi. • Peniizi MSS., iii. 33. 250 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE Notwithstanding the laws and h'mitations circumscribing the avocations of Doctors and Apothecaries alike, very many travelling charlatans wended their way daily through the streets of Florence. They came in mostly from Padua and the surrounding cities, bent on picking up some of the superabundant wealth of the rich Republic. Well-mounted on hardy ponies, with capacious saddle- bags, they rode into the Markets as though ordinary merchants. Well concealed too were their stores of secret -medicines, against the vigilance of the guardians of the gates. Wide berth they gave to the shops of the Apothecaries, and sidled off when Florentine medical dignitaries approached. But here and there fat capons and plump pigeons found their way into hands, which as readily reaped a harvest of small coins from the unwary, for worthless salves, and pills, and powders. Of one such George Eliot wrote : " Let any Signore," says the Medico^ " «LPply his nostrils to this box, and he will find an honest odour of medicaments — not indeed of pounded gems or rare v^e- tables from the East, or stones found in the bodies of birds . . . and here is a paste, which is ever of savoury odour, and is infallible against melancholia, being concocted under the conjunction of Jupiter and Venus, and I have seen it allay spasms."^ Never- theless, under certain conditions of man and nostrum, quacks were recognised as members of the affiliated and subordinate ^' Arte di Ciumtadori** — "Association of Registered Empirical Practitioners of Medicine." The Mercato Vecchio was the favourite meeting-place of quack doctors. Their raucous voices in advocacy of one or other of their nostrums mingled a daily note of discordance to the terrible clatter of that busy mart ; but none gathered together so many open-mouthed hearers and cash-in-hand customers. A real Florentine doctor, on the other hand, held his head high ; he was accorded the style of " Messere'* and sometimes that of '^ Algebrista*' — algebraist, — because one of his prerogatives was the solution of abstruse problems connected with the ancient science ^ George Eliot, " Romola," chap. xvi. H Ui H < > « I 5 « O 55 H Id 8s w o < § o O Q< P DOCTORS AND APOTHECARIES 251 of astrology. He was always a superior sort of person, and never condescended to social intimacy with his inferior fellow-guildsmen — ^the Apothecaries. The reason of the union, in one Corporation, of a professional class and a commercial, — ^in the person of Apothecaries, — may be seen in the dependence of the one upon the other. It was ever so in old Florence, the aristocratic temperament of her people ever gave hostages to their democratic proclivities. • ••.••.• If Apothecaries were regarded by their more magnificent fellow-Guildsmen much in the light of poor relations or inferiors, their importance in the commercial and social economy of Florence was undoubted. They were not looked upon as men of science, and in early times, at all events, they were not obliged to undergo any educational test, beyond that of being able to decipher the infamous handwriting of the Messeri Medici — " Gen- tlemen Doctors." They were regarded in the light of assistants to the medical faculty, and convenient agents for the sale of various small commodities. In the early days of the Commune, Apothecaries merely bought and sold medicinal herbs, which grew within easy reach of Florence, and which were daily brought to market by the countiy people. Later on apothecaries were obliged to take out a license before opening houses or stores for custom, and each applicant undertook '' to keep his shop open daily, except on feast days, and to sell only genuine articles." ^ Each was required to lodge with the Treasurer of the Guild a sum of money, — which varied in amount according to circumstances, — by way of guar- antee and which was recoverable at death by the relatives. The brilliant commercial enterprise of the " CalinuUa " and Wool Guilds opened out vast new fields for research, and for the acquirement of precious pharmaceutical treasures. The " Guild of Doctors and Apothecaries *' became a living power in the Republic, and its members entered enthusiastically into the race for com- ' Statutes, Lib. iv. chap. ii. Rub. 55. 252 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE mercial supremacy. In all the travelling companies of the period Apothecaries were found who carried home in triumph their spoils. Fine cloth finished by skilful Florentine operatives, and other European commodities, were accepted, in the East, in exchange for drugs and spices. The sale of medicines and their ingredients was strictl>r limited by the authority of the Guild to the shops of duly qualified Apothecaries ; and no citizen was permitted to sell, or expose any foreign drugs or spices, who was not at the same time a membec' of the Guild. The sale of drugs and spices was safely guarded so as tor protect the public from danger to life and from fraud. Annually the Consuls of the Guild appointed a SindacOy or Inspector, to visit all the shops of the Apothecaries, and the stores of such Doctors as were accustomed to keep medicines and other articles for the use of their patients. ^ They had the power to confiscate and destroy all properties, which did not bear the official stamp of the Guild, or which,— even bearing that seal, — in any way contravened the bye-laws. At the same time the names of those who were guilty in such matters were posted at the Offices of the Guild, and were forbidden, for a time determined by the Consuls, to practise their faculty, or to traffic in their commodities. One of the best known Apothecaries' shops was the Far- macia del More — " The Moor's-Head Pharmacy." It stood at the comer of the Boigo di San Lorenzo, and was founded early in the sixteenth century. Here Antonio Francesco Grazziani, — whose nickname was " // Lasco^* — " Idle-dog " ! — carried on the business of a chemist He was nevertheless a poet and a novelist His family came from Staggia to Florence in the fourteenth cen- tury, and he was roistered upon the Matriculation Rolls of the Apothecaries. He is famous as the founder of the ^^ Accadetma delta Crusca*^ — the polite speech of Tuscany. Cosimo de' Medici — "Father of his Country" — greatly encouraged medical research and surgical manipulation. On ^ StatttU Popali et Communis Florentiae, 141 5, Rubw Iv. DOCTORS AND APOTHECARIES 253 the fall of Constantinople, in 1453, he welcomed a numerous band of Greek scholars. One of the earliest evidences of their influence was the translation into Italian of an ancient manuscript, dealing with the science of Surgery. This was followed by excerpts from other manuscripts of ancient naturalist writers.^ Cosimo emplo3fed the new teachers also to prepare a new Florentine Pharmacopceia, comprising the formulas in local use, and others, gathered from various Schools of Medicine in Europe, or extracted from the stores of ancient lore. To assist his medical staff, he founded a Laboratory of botanical science, in which he applied himself eneigetically to the study of herbs.* This was the first Florentine Laboratory, or School of Critical Research, in which Apothecaries were able to learn to amend the simple and unscientific methods which they had hitherto followed in the compounding of medicines. Another famous Laboratory, or Pharmacy, was established under the sign of "The Lily," late in the fifteenth century.* There the Rosselli family, — Romolo, Stefano, and Francesco, — carried on the business of Apothecaries, and also wrote several learned treatises upon medical and surgical subjects ; and, in the person of Cosimo, gave proof of artistic proclivities as well A Dominican Father, Agostino del Riccio, who wrote a "Treatise on Agriculture," names the Apothecary Stefano Rosselli with, particular honour, and says : — " the city of Florence owes a debt of gratitude to this noble man, because he has cured many citizens by the secret remedies which he compounded in his shop." In the cloister of the monastic church of Santa Maria Novella a Spezieria^ or Drug Store, was opened for the manufacture of medicines, the rendering of medicinal oils, unguents and perfumes, under the direction of a council of incorporated Apothecaries. The Farmacia delta Pecora^ in the Mercato Nuovo, was another important establishment for the dispensing of medicines under the control of " The Guild of Doctors and Apothecaries." * In the Lauentian Library. Collated by Dr Cerchi. * L'Osservatore Fiorentino, vol. vl p. 147. * MS. of Giovanni BattisU Teobaldi, Magliabechian Library, Codex 192. 254 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE The " Pinadoro " was a well-known Apothecary's shop, and was the training school for many a famous Florentine — Perino del Naga among the number. Each of the Monasteries had its Spezieria^ or Dispensary as we say, where medicaments, condiments and many necessary comforts were distributed gratis, or at a very low figure, to sick and needy applicants. The members of the religious orders were past-masters in the subtle arts of pharmacy, and undoubtedly made use of their powers to advance the cause of Religion. With respect to the number of Apothecaries, whose names were enrolled upon the Matriculation Registers of the Guild, G. Villani records that, in 1300, they were wellnigh one hundred. Benedetto Dei gives the number of registered Apothecaries in 1479 as sixty-six — ^the shrinkage being due, doubtless, to trade competition, whereby the smaller and less enterprising men suflfered extinction. The botUghe of the Apothecaries were not the least ornamental and attractive of the many shops of Old Florence. Their internal arrangement followed on strictly conventional lines. Two rooms at least were required, the one giving upon the street or market was the shop in particular, whilst the room behind served for the mixing and preparation of the multitudinous variety of objects offered for sale, and for the accommodation of apprentices and assistants. Across the centre of the shop ran a counter with drawers and cupboards, and upon it, together with letti — pots of ointment, tazzine — tasting cups, and Jiole — cruets, were displayed small and interesting articles, such as scents, gloves, satchets, buckles, and nicknacks of all kinds from beyond the seas. Upon a firm pedestal stood the big mortar made of metal or earthenware, with strong outside ribs like buttresses of masonry to bear the heavy pounding of condiments. On a side-table were sets of Vast di puerperali — accouchement services, and canestraUe — dessert dishes. Behind, along the walls, were ranged shelves of wood, hold- ing in due order earthenware albarelU and boccali — dry drug jars DOCTORS AND APOTHECARIES 255 and jugs for liquids. These albarelli held artists' pigments, sweetmeats, candied apples, quince^ and plum jams, with dates, manna, and spices from Syria and Africa, perfumes, soap, and endless luxuries and foibles of the day. They and the boccali THB "BOTTKGA" OF AN APOTHECARY. FOURTEENTH CENTURY were always beautifully shaped and decorated, and bore the names of their contents. A lower shelf contained round and oval boxes of wood or metal, generally decorated with painting and adorned with work in gessOy and boiled leather, for bandages, sponges, brushes, etc. etc. The lower shelf was reserved for 256 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE glass flasks bound in plaited rush and wicker-work, for infusions and decoctions, and closed with cotton wool or straw stoppers. All these articles bore the owner's initials, arms, or name, with the name of the drug, etc., painted upon a ribbon decoration. In handy little heaps were small flasks, bottles for medicines, and little boxes for pills, etc., all bearing evidence of artistic taste. The walls of the shops were adorned with painted tiles of majolica, carved and painted wood, with tapestry or leather hangings. Convenient benches for customers were placed by the counter upon the clean plaited straw matting. Generally little metal flags were hung outside the door, like Inn signs, bearing the proprietors' names and special notices, whilst albarellt further proclaimed their calling. A branch of the Apothecaries' business, — and by no means an insignificant one, in view of the lai^ population of Florence and its ContadOy and in relation to the many visitations of fire, flood, famine, and pestilence, — was that of undertaker. The funerals, at all events of the wealthier citizens, — whether noble or merchant, — were conducted by the Apothecaries. They supplied every requisite, — coffins, biers, bearers, palls, torches for use in the street, candles for the ecclesiastical functions, trappings, ornaments of all kinds, baked meats, burial drinks, and all accessories. Oddly enough the most popular refreshments at funerals were just those which still are offered at country burials in Great Britain, — confetti — sugared sponge-cakes, and cdchermes — a spiced liquor flavoured with cinnamon and cloves. In each bottega was exhibited a tariff* or price-list with quota- tions of mortuary expenses. These were arranged in classes to suit every pocket, and the friends of the deceased were, as now, '' waited upon at their residences " for the registration of arrange- ments. Undertaker-apothecaries did not bear the best of names for honesty and moderation of chaises, and when one of the fraternity hung up a " Melon," by way of a shop sign, it was hailed with derisive laughter as an apt token of the unblushing tricks of the trade ! DOCTORS AND APOTHECARIES 257 Public records and the Prioristi and ZibcUdoni — private note- books for jotting down at the moment interesting items of news, and carried and used by Florentines of every class, age, and sex, — ^-contain numberless paragraphs relating to burial ceremonies. None of the latter were more scrupulously written up than those of the Alberti, Cavalcanti, Peruzzi, Rucellai, and Valori families. For example, among other items in the account ^ of the burial of Monna Piera de' Valori Curonni, in 1365, are biscuits and sweet- meats, a cloth baldaccino, poles for bearing the coffin, wax-candles for the night watch, sweet herbs for perfuming the chamber, torches for the street procession, etc. etc. The amount paid to Giovanni di Bertoldo, the Apothecary, for all these reached fifty-three gold florins. An additional account for tapers, candles, and torches, used at the interment, — also supplied by the same undertaker, — came to eleven gold florins. The fees paid to the good lady's two doctors, — Messeri Niccolo da Mantova, and Piero de' Pulchi, — ^for " medical attendance and for testifying the death," amounted to seventy gold florins. The expense of the funeral of Niccolaio di Jacopo degli Alberti, who died on August 1377, was enormous. "He was buried," says the old chronicler, " at Santa Croce, with the greatest honours in tallow and wax." The sum total came out at three thousand gold florins — nearly j^i 500 ! In fact the serious expenses attaching to funeral ceremonies led to repressive legislation by the State, and the "Guild of Doctors and Apothecaries" was called upon to investigate the matter. Many regulations were adopted throughout the fifteenth century, and at length some new Statutes were enacted in 1536, which dealt with torches, candles, and various other objects modelled in wax. These confirmed to the Guild the exclusive right to make, keep, and sell all such things, and further limited the trade in illuminations and fireworks, — which at the period had become indispensable adjuncts at all funerals, — to members of the Guild. 1 Valori MS., p. a J. R 258 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE Quite the most fashionable and lucrative department in the Apothecaries' shops was that of Perfumery and Haberdasheiy. Indeed the Perfumer's sanctum, — ^with its delicious odours and rich stores of attractive trifles, — ^was a dangerous rival to the gossipy saloon of the versatile barber. When a man required a pick-me-up it was, in the ordinary course of events, for him to drop into his chemist's. There, in addition to the usual town's topics, he was able to discuss interesting items from foreign parts, handle samples of scents and silks from the East, taste curious sherbets and essences, and chat to his heart's content with the gay frequenters of the emporium. High- bom gentlemen and well-to-do cantadine thronged these busy marts, and lent their graces and their foibles to the animation of the scene. Flirtations and assignations were the order of the day^ behind shady jalousies and amid cushioned divans ; whilst the discreet and spectacled master busied himself, not with their tittle- tattle, but with their petty cash. The general use of perfumes was a characteristic of the prosperity of Florence, and of the luxury of her citizens. Almost every one became a connoisseur of delicate and pungent odours. The fe^hion was introduced from Spain, whence came the recipes, which bore the names of the " Infanta Isabella " and the " Donna Fiorenza del Ullhoa'' and which became the rage. Count Lorenzo Magalotti tells us that a pair of small silk sachets, filled with these delights, sold easily in Florence for four hundred gold florins. The Count also wrote a sonnet entitled : — ^**To the orange flower,"^ wherein he recites with rapture the fascinating ingredients of his own best-loved perfume — orange blossom, honeysuckles, roses, jessamines, lilies of the valley, elder- flowers, sweet mint, thyme and geranium blossoms. He gives a recipe for the manufacture of a delicious fragrance : — " Take,"^ he says, " the empty skin of an orange, with a little powdered benzoin, two pounded cloves, and a small stick of cinnamon ; cover them with finest rose water, and set to boil upon a brazier/* ^ " Diterambo sixl Fiore d' Arancio." DOCTORS AND APOTHECARIES 259 Then he gossips with a genial friend, — perhaps a worthy Apothecary, — ^showing that in the matter of perfumes one must be sparing, or generous, according to circumstances, and in pro- portion to the appreciation of the company. Liberality at all times was to be required in polite society. Ornaments, dress^ kerchiefs, utensils, beds, hangings, rooms, and even food and beverages, all came under the category of objects worthy of being FLORXNTINX GXNTLEMAN PURCHASING SCBNT AT AN APOTHBCARY'S. LATX SIXTXBMTH CENTURY perfumed with musk, amber, and the extracts of sweet-smelling flowers, herbs, and earths. No forms of scent or perfume were anything like so popular with the smart folks of old Florence as the Buuheri^ and none found Apothecaries more keen in their supply. By the term was meant odoriferous earths or paste, and also small ornamental unglazed vessels made of sweet-smelling clay. The finest Buccheri were distinguished by a brilliant black colour, and came from Portugal. When baked into pottery the colour was rich brown and red, and 260 THE GUILDS OF FLOlUB!rc»i. -.^ the little vessels were polished by the hand and ornamented wil rich gilding. The odour of the Bucchero, when dipped in water^ was delightfully refreshing, and resembled the aroma which rises from the parched ground, on a hot summer day, after a copious shower. Fashionable belles of the period were accustomed to wear on their uncovered breasts miniature Buccheri as lockets. They were ^t, ^^^ FLORBNTINB LADY AT HER TOILET. LATE SIXTEENTH CENTURY pierced with tiny holes, whence issued the most delicate of flowery fragrances. Ever and anon they would press these little vases to their lips to gather the delightful tingling sensation which the impact produced. In every Apothecary's shop these attractive toys were sold, as well as the Cunziere — perfume jars filled with fragments of bucchero earth and other odoriferants, — which were to be found in the luxurious apartments of wealthy citizens. The n^e for this delectable compound became enormous.| It was made into pastilles for eating, and was added, as an DOCTORS AND APOTHECARIES 261 acceptable flavour, to the most delicate viands : — saporetH — subtle sauces, /drm Uvati — dessert-wafers, cappane di gaUra^ — ^^-flip stnd whipped cream, — ^the forebears of our meringues. Magalotti also descants^ upon the charms of Buccheri^ and says sententiously : — " What a delight it would be to put to boil in a Bucchero delta Maga, with Cordova water, four or five pieces of Bucchero di GtiadcUaxara ! Such a confection would keep its perfume for a year, if wrapped in amber-scented leather, with a denaro worth of lacrima di Quinquina^ and would be meat and drink combined ! " Under the general term Merciai^ — Haberdashers, — which by the way was added to the title of the Guild in the year 1282, and which, henceforth, was known as ^^LArte di Medici e degli Speziali e d^ Merciail* " The Guild of Doctors, Apothecaries, and Haberdashers," — were included many small fancy dealers. Merciai strictly meant traders who purchased raw silk in the Levant and Persia and shipped it to Florence. They were also keen in picking up endless articles which promised remunerative ^es at home. They ministered greatly to the splendour of marriage feasts, which in the fifteenth century were celebrated ^thout fear of sumptuary prohibition. The weddings of Baccio Adimari and Lisa Ricasoli in 1420, of Bernardo Rucellai and Nannina de' Medici in 1460, and of Lorenzo de' Medici and Clarice Orsini in 1469 were remarkable for the richness and variety of the beautiful presents of Eastern origin — embroidered cushions, belts, purses, veils and fringes of fine silk, inlaid thimbles and needle- cases, ivory combs, feathered fans, and whatnots. The wedding trousseau of Giovanna de' Medici, in 1466, excelled all others in the cunning beauties of its unnamed trifles of rare and goodly workmanship, sought out of the endless stores of the Apothecaries. Certain Provisions were passed during the first half of the sixteenth century in connection with the " Guild of Doctors and Apothecaries," which prescribed rules and regulations for the ^ Magalotti, « Lettere Scientifiche," No. i8, 19. 262 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE conduct and procedure of all and sundry traders connected with the Guild. ''VArte d^ Merciai, VeUttai, Profumien e Cartai"—''Thc Guild of Mercers, Veil-makers, Perfumers, and Stationers," was duly enrolled and placed under the direction of the Greater Guild.^ All such merchandise had to be packed in boxes, cases, barrels, casks, or bales, bearing the mark of the exporting house, with the name of the agent attached, who was also directed to stamp each consignment with the official seal of the "Guild of Doctors and Apothecaries." The following is a list of some of the Crafts which were sub- ordinated to the ** Guild of Doctors and Apothecaries " : — Barbieri BatHlori Berrettai Bkchierai e Fiasci Boccalieri e Scudalieri Borsai Brachierai Cafpellai di paglia efeltro Cartolai Cartai Ceraiuoli e Fabbricanti delV Imagine di Cera Ciurmadori ColteUinai Guainai Imbiancatori Lanciai e Funaiuoli Lantemai Lintai Librai Mascherai Hairdressers and Barbers. Gold-beaters. Beret or cap-makers. Glass-blowers and Bottle-makers. Jug and dish-makers. Purse-makers. Truss and Suspender-makers. Straw and Felt Hat-makers. Paper-makers. Stationers. 1 Wax chandlers and makers of J waxen figures. Quack-doctors. Cutlers. Sheath and case-makers. Makers of Bleaching media. Well-rope and gearing-makers. Lantern-makers. Makers of small linen articles. Booksellers. Mask-makers. ^ Candni, iti. p. 343. I DOCTORS AND APOTHECARIES 263 Merciai Dealers in raw-silk and sundries. ^. . . J Makers of catgut for musical \ instruments. Orpellai Makers of gilded leather articles. Paltai Tennis-bat and ball makers. PetHnagnoH Comb-makers. PetHni stracci Makers of silk carding-combs. Profumieri Perfumers. Sellai Saddlers' fancy articles dealers. Spaded Ornamental sword-makers. Stagnai e Acconciastagni Pewterers and platers. SicmigUai Potters. Stacciai e Vagliai Sieve-makers. , Velettai Veil-makers. Vendi di Spago^ CanapOy Fune etc etc etc ' \ String, Rope and Cord-makers. All through the fifteenth century as the fame of Florence was wafted further and further afield, her Merchants and her Apothe- caries entered more and more into friendly rivalry in exploiting the treasures of distant lands. The "Guild of Doctors and Apothecaries " despatched travellers and agents into every known land, who quickly sent back valuable consignments of goods. Everything of an aromatic nature, or pleasing to the eye, no less than every ingredient useful in the Pkarmacopceta, became articles of barter and of traffic Each vessel, from the East, which entered the harbour of Leghorn, or which sailed up to the quays of Pisa, brought immense stores of precious oriental merchandise. These were unladen and promptly packed on mule backs or placed in shallow river-boats, and despatched direct to the shops of the Apothecaries. The number of Sensali — ^agents — and Mezzani — Middlemen «— was very large. They were either engaged in foreign travel, or 264 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE at depots in Italy and abroad, or in Florence itself. As early as the middle of the thirteenth century such assistants of the Guild were fully recognised and generally employed. Regula- tions were put into force, from time to time, which not only limited both the numbers and the activities of persons acting as agents and salesmen, but also required that all who should engage themselves in such occupations should obtain the sanction of the Consuls of the Guild. The co-operative feature, which marked all trade undertakings in Florence, did not fail to assert itself with respect to agents and salesmen. Consequently it is not a matter of surprise to find that,, by the middle of the fourteenth century, a subordinate corporation had come into existence: — ^^LArte M Sensali e di MezzanV* — "The Guild of Agents and Middlemen." This association was without separate political attributes, and was entirely under the auspices of the "Guild of Doctors and Apothecaries." Each member received, upon Matriculation or admission, a metal token, which he was obliged to wear during the exercise of his calling. The same badge he was also permitted to exhibit over the door of his house or office. Agents and Salesmen were not allowed to effect sales of any kind except by the authority of the Greater Guild ; transgression of this rule led to fines, for each offence, of one soldo^ and re* peated infractions to expulsion. So greatly did the commerce of Florence increase during the fifteenth century that the principal Apothecaries, in addition to their staffs of travellers, established Banking Agencies in all the prin* cipal centres of population, and especially in those countries which were most productive of the manifold commodities of their trade. These " Professional Banks " — if we may call them such for want of a better name — ^became important business-houses, and were largely concerned in granting loans of money to members of the Guild in furtherance of exploring expeditions. They also assumed the character of general money-lending offices, and, being well managed, were very prosperous undertakings. ARMS OF (JUILD OF DOCTORS AND APOTHKC'ARIKS LUCA I)P:I.LA kohbia DOCTORS AND APOTHECARIES 265 With something of the catholicity of a beneficent Alma Mater the " Guild of Doctors and Apothecaries " extended its sheltering patronage to numbers of objects and interests not, at first sight, necessarily associated with medicine, surgery, and drugs. Literature, Painting and Geographical Discovery alike bene- fited from the fostering care of the Guild. If a man had a book, a pigment, or an adventure, he had nothing to do but to drop in at one of the considerable pharmacies of old Florence. There he could rub shoulders with others of his kind, and chat affably with the dignified and bespectacled medicos ; and, after cajoling the patient but wide awake apothecary, he rarely departed without having got what he asked. Dante, Cimabue, and Toscanelli may be rightly called the fathers of these glorious families of writers, artists and explorers, which have shed such undying lustre upon their Alma Mater^ and have illuminated all lands and all periods by the effulgence of their genius. The Men of Letters of the Renaissance, whose sun rose and shone in Florence, form a paradise of celebrities which have placed the Fair City upon the premier throne of the Valhalla of Learning. ^' Boccaccio's Garden and its faierie The love of joyaunce and the galantrie," Her sons wielded the pen with the same splendid spirit of enterprise and success as did their brethren of the loom. Her writers, her merchants, and her bankers, together built up her fortune and her glory. Dante Alighieri, (1265-1321), was the son of a notary belonging to the sestiere of For San Piero. He was sent to study law at Bologna, and philosophy at Padua ; but having no taste for either faculty he matriculated in 1296 in the "Guild of Doctors and Apothecaries." His choice may have been dictated by his fondness for literature, because books were among the wares sold exclusively in the pharmacies. 266 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE He entered public life soon after his marriage in 1295, and took an active part in the debates of the magistrates. In 1 300 he was elected Prior, and was instrumental in causing the exile of the Neri and Bianchi, This led to his own exile upon a trumped up chaige of " barratry," — ^the pecuniary misuse of office, — extortion, and illicit gains. If Petrarch, (i 304-1 374), and Boccaccio, (1313-1375X were never matriculated into the Guild, their sympathies were with its beneficent characteristics. Their writings were nowhere more accessible, and their clever sayings more constantly repeated, than in the Apothecaries' shops of their beloved Florence. Matteo Palmieri, (i 364-1427), Apothecary and Poet; Leo Battista Alberti, (1404- 147 5), Ph)rsician, Astronomer, Architect, and Writer; Marsilio Ficino, (143 3- 1499), Surgeon, Philosopher, Writer; Antonio Benevieni, (145 3- 1542), Physician and Man of Letters ; were among those who were matriculated in the '' Guild of Doctors and Apothecaries." But who shall write out the names of all that mighty Florentine Phalanx of literary men, who have brilliantly adorned, not alone their Guild, and their city, and their time, but the great world at large for eternity ! No effort appears to have been made to establish a corpora* tion for the enrolment exclusively of men of letters in the case of painters. Printing, and making, and selling of books and other literary matter, no less than wood and copper block-engraving were recognised as appertaining to the professional ^ Guild of Doctors and Apothecaries." Bernardo Cennini, — Ghiberti's partner in designing and cast- ing the famous Baptistery Gates, — was the first Florentine printer from type. His earliest book, — ^** A Commentary of Viigil," — ^was published in 1471. To Aldus Manutius, (1450-15 16), is due the type called *' Italic" It was modelled upon the handwriting of Petrarch. The cutting of it was done by Francesco da Bologna, — Francesco Raibolini, — the painter-goldsmith, who signed himself, indiffer* DOCTORS AND APOTHECARIES 267 «ntly, " aurifex " and ^^pictor'^ He was a member of the Florentine ** Guild of Doctors and Apothecaries." In 1472 Piero da Moguntia — another German — tissued at Florence the " Filocopo " of Giovanni Boccaccio. Five years later Nicholaus of Breslau printed the ''Monte Sando di Dio^' of Bettini ; and in 1481, — ^under his assumed name of Niccolo di Lorenzo di Firenze, — an edition of Dante's works. This was quite the finest example of Florentine printing which had yet appeared. The first notice of wood-engraving in Florence appears in an entry for the Catasto^ — Income-tax,— of 1430, which relates that an artificer, unnamed, returns as rateable property, '' many wood-blocks for the printing of playing-cards and images of saints useful to him in his profession." However no print is extant of an earlier date than 1490, which date appears upon a bird's-eye view of Florence now in Berlin. Jacopone da Todi's "Zaiwtf,'' — sprinted by Francesco Buon- accorso, — and similar Books of Devotion, appeared in 1490 with wood-block illustrations. In the same year Buonaccorso, — who was related to Savonarola through his mother, — ^published the eloquent Frate's tract, '^ Libra delia Vita viduata^' Savonarola himself flooded Florence with illustrated tracts and sermons. These were done in two or three special workshops, where they were designed and executed, and publishers applied to the Masters when they required cuts for their publications. Luigi Pulci's ^ Morgante Maggiortl' which contains more than two hundred woodcuts, was published in 1 500. Many old Florentine wood- cuts between 15 16 and 1546 are signed Giovanni Benvenuto, a leading publisher and member of the "Guild of Doctors and Apothecaries." The earliest Florentine copper-plate engraving was probably a ''Paschal Table for finding Easter from the year 1461," of which there is a copy in the British Museum. The first illus- trated books published in Florence and containing copper-plate engravii^s were the M D. GioTAimi Gaye, '< Cart^ggio inedite d'Artisd," (xW., xt., zvi., Sccoli), toL iL v- 39. 270 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE In 1349 a further development of the Guild of Painters took place and its members enrolled themselves as the '* Campagma e Fratemita di San Luca'' under the special protection of the Virgin Mary, Saint John Baptist, Saint Zenobbio and Saint Reparata The rallying-point of the members was transferred to the disused church of San Matteo, and they added their alternative title, — ^^ La Canfratemita cU Pittoriy' — and acknow- ledged their dependence upon the great Guild of Doctors and Apothecaries. The Confraternity reckoned its members not only from makers of pictures, frescoes, and designs, but enrolled also decorators of stone, wood, metal, glass, stucco, leather, etc etc. The Statutes of the Guild,^ which were duly roistered before a Notary on August i8th, 1354, named as the Governing Body — four Consuls, four Councillors, two Treasurers, and two Secretaries. These officers were generally men of the highest artistic attain- ments, for example, Luca Delia Robbia, — although not a pigment master in the ordinary sense of the term, — ^served the office of Consul several times ; he was moreover elected thirty times a member of Council, three times Sindic and twice Treasurer. The marticulation-fee was only five /w, and other payments of members were upon the same modest scale. One Statute provided : — " that those who inscribed themselves on the Roll of membership, — ^whether men or women, — ^should be contrite, and should confess their sins ; and that, whilst members of the Guild, they should go to confession and to the Communion at least once a year.'' All members were required to recite daily five Paternosters and five Aves ; but should memory fail, the omission had to be made up the following day. Complaints were rife in 1406 that members of the Guild were remiss in their religious duties and in obedi- ence to officers. Penalties were inflicted of temporary durance in the Guild House, with money fines — ranging from twelve denari — for each dereliction of duty. Cennino Cennini, in his quaint " Trattato delta Pittural^ put ^ Archivio di Stato Fiorentino. / DOCTORS AND APOTHECARIES 271 forth in 1437, — when its author was in his eightieth year, — makes the following pathetic appeal to all art students : — ** O ye of the gentle spirit who are lovers of the Art, and devoted to its pursuit, adorn yourselves with the garments of love, of modesty, of obedience, and of penance." St Luke's Day was a famous festival in Florence, when all the finest pictures not actually in situ were gathered together from the studios and exhibited in the cloisters of La Nunziata. In this observance we note the origin of the Accademia di San Luca, re- named, in 1 562, by Cosimo I.," Accademia delle Belle Arti," wherein he united the three Fine Arts — Sculpture, Painting and Archi- tecture,— ^under the splendid motto : " Levare di terra al cielo nostra inttUeto^* — ^ Heaven and earth are united by our genius ! " Genius indeed ! What pen could name all the great lights of that firmament, much less do justice to the magnificent pageant of the Painters of Florence ! If Benvenuto Cellini wrote : — " Leonardo ^ what came handiest, and offered least temptation to their rotber enemies. Consequently at the period of the inception of ttie Guilds many sartorial relics of a troubled past remained and skins and furs were all the vogue. The first notices of Furriers and Skinners in the Archives of P^lorence are the following : — " lo^o — Sethimus — peUicarius!^ " IOT5 — Vivuh, filius Stefan^ — pellicariir * ^nder date 1054 there is the following entry: — Crosna (?), cunt ^^^tllo de Vulpe, and in 1077, ^^ Vesta una de Vulpe** — perhaps "^ Unties or cloaks of fox-skin, — and in the former year the value ^** the fur garments is set down at five hundred lire. In 1197 ^t^^re is the record of a worthy Rector of Santa Maria Novella ^Ho wished to pawn, ''peUes suas lupi cerveriV^ — his robes of red- " Le Consulte," i. 27. A. Puod, "Centiloquio." SKINNERS IN CAMP LATE FOURTEENTH CENTUKY ^UILD OF FURRIERS AND SKINNERS 277 i Gherardini, at the comer of the Chiasso de' Baronelli, and, /as the custom with all the Guilds, the escutcheon of the d was carved up over the entrance. Orig^inally only two Consuls were elected to preside over the rs of the Guild, but, between 1270 and 1280, the number increased to three, and later on, — after the revision of utes, 1 30 1- 1 309, — ^to four. They held office for four ths, their names having been drawn, as was the general tice, from an urn containing slips of papen As in the constitution of the other Guilds, the Consuls took lisance of all civil and criminal causes between members of Guild, they granted Matriculation to candidates, and superin- led the subscriptions of members and other corporate )erty. The Consigliere, — Chancellor, — ^was entitled to certain fees : — each person matriculated — ten soldi^ for written agreements /een master and apprentice — ten soUKy for each license to } untanned skins or hides — ten soldi^ for each dissolution (latriculation and renunciation of membership^ten soldi, for valuation of stock in any retail shop— ten soldi, for each ten agreement between slaughterer- skinners and leather- lers — ten soldi, — and various other smaller fees. The Chan- >r's office was a yearly one, and an occupant was ineligible re-election.^ The Proweditore, — Director, — was required to keep fully red up the following Guild Books: — A Journal of debtors creditors, — ^tc^ether with the Salaries and expenses of the suls and other officials ; a Matriculation Register, with the ments and obligations of the persons matriculated in the ; a similar Register for the Contado ; a Note-book containing r^stered trademarks of all tanners and dealers in leather, etc He also received fees, smaller in amount, for the same poses as the Chancellor.* ' L. Cantini, xi. p. 24. ^ L. Cantini, xt. 28. 278 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE The Cameriere, — Chamberlain, — ^had to do with the finances of the Guild. He kept accounts with respect to the rents of slaughter and skinning-houses, tanyards and pits, leather-dressers' workshops, and the shops and stalls of all persons connected with the trade. To him it also appertained to administer the charitable contributions of the Guild, and to relieve distressed craftsmen and their families. The last two officers were elected for a year, but were eligible for re-election. The Stimaiori^ — Inspectors, — and the Tassaiori, — ^Taxing masters, — of whom there were two respectively, elected bi- annually, were enjoined to keep the two divisions of the Guild members as distinct and separate as possible — so far at least as concerned all the details of the various occupations. In one group were the Vaiai — Miniver-dressers, the PelUctai — Furriers in general, the Canciatori di pelli col pela — Cutters of skins with the hair on, and the Incettiatori di bossette — Dressers of Lamb-skins. In the other group were the Cuoiai — Leather-dressers in general, the Canciatori di cuoio ^(t?ji^a— Cutters of heavy leathers, the Conciatori di sottili — Cutters of fine leathers, and the Offellai — Leather-embossers and gilders. A third division was added in later times, made up of the Calzolai — Shoemakers, the Pianellai — Slipper-makers, the ColkWd — Collar and Belt-makers, Coloristi di pelli — Leather-stainers, and various minor but artistic crafts, among them, perhaps, the Pelacani — Dog-clippers ! There was also a fourth class containing the Sellai — Saddlers, BrigHai — Bridle and reins-makers, and the Cintiai — Makers of sword-belts and bandoliers. Some of these workmen however appear to have been at- tached also to the Lesser Guild of Galigai — Tanners — and probably the crossing of the interests of the two Guilds led to some confusion. The trade of tanning, however, was a distinct industry, and no member of the " Guild of Furriers and Skinners " was permitted to engage therein. In the same way the GUILD OF FURRIERS AND SKINNERS 279 Shoemakers, employed by the Guild, were workers in fancy goods only, which required the addition of fur to complete tiiem. The Matriculation fee was very low — namely four soldi to each Consul, and two to the Chancellor; but the guarantee required, as to a candidate's qualification for enrolment, was fixed at ten to twenty gold florins. An Annual Poll-tax was levied by the State upon every matriculated member of the Guild, and this by the way gained very suggestive nicknames : " Tassa del Pepe " — " Pepper-boxes," or " Tassa d£ Torutti'' — '' Squeezers " ! It was not allowed to mix native products with skins and furs from "beyond the mountains," or the boundaries of the State ; nor to treat with sulphur, dye, or oil, any skin or fur. Skins snipped, or those stretched out by means of size or lime, or by any other media, were not to be bought or sold. All breaches of these and similar regulations were visited with fines and forfeiture, and the wrongdoers were liable to dismissal from the Guild.^ Furriers and Skinners were forbidden to buy or sell wholesale from or to the Popolo MinutOy or to any unemployed person, Icnives and implements of all kinds used in the craft ; but such persons might purchase small quantities of cat and rabbit skins axid stoaf s fur for the linings of garments. The premier designation of the Guild " Vatai*' comes from ^l^e word Vaio — speckled — as applied to the darkest grey fur ^J" coat of the stoat and squirrel.* Vaiaio was a furrier who ^i^essed such skins. These small animals abounded in the forests, ^hich surrounded old Florence, and afforded sportsmen and ^^ftsmen alike, attractive and lucrative occupation. The colour of the back was darker much than that of the belly, which was, ^" young creatures, of dazzling whiteness — and valued much on ^hat account This variety of colour gave rise to the use of ^ Statata Popali et Communis Florentiae, 141 5, vol. ii. Rub. Ivi. Domenico M. Manni, '* Osservazione e Guinte Istoriche," vol. xxv. 280 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE three words for the fur — ^the back-fur, and the whole coat of older animals, was called " Miniver," the rarer white or belly piece was named " Ermine," as being like the real Ermine, and " RoseUlh"* was the name given to the brown and yellow fur of spring growth. The second part of the title of the Guild " PeUicciai'^ indicates the union of the two industries — ^the dressing of furs and the treatment of skins ; although, for the matter of that, Pelticdaio meant "Furrier" also. The Latin name, as written by the Notaries of old, was PellipariuSy which indicated a dresser of skin after the process of tanning had been completed. The skins offered for sale in Florence, with the view of the purchase and treatment by the operatives employed by the " Guild of Furriers and Skinners," were usually those of wolves, lambs, polecats, foxes, deer, l3mxes and rabbits, together with the furs of miniver, marten, sable and ermine. Ermine and sable were rare commodities, it is true, and commanded high prices — indeed they were almost unknown till late in the fifteenth century. They were used, as was marten fur, for borders, trimmings, and decorations, and were never em- ployed as whole garments. Very wealthy men and ostentatious, indeed, had their state robes lined with these costly furs, and later in the history of the furrier industry, the same dignified personages added skins and furs and tails of rare Eastern animals to the splendour of their habiliments.^ Only indirectly, and quite in a subsidiary sort of way, did the Guild deal with heavy skins such as those of horses, catde, mules, asses, goats, and sheep. These formed the staple of the industry of tanning, and provided materials for manipulation by members of the minor Guilds of " Saddlers," " Shoemakers," and " Buckle-makers," etc. Pagnini has preserved records of the varieties and values of skins and furs which ruled in the middle of the fourteenth century : * — ^ Pi^ini, ii. 141. * Pagnini, it. p. 132. per hundred- - 3 florins. do. S da do. 2 da da 2i da do. 4 to 6 da do. 5 to 7 da do. 22 da do. 30 da do. 36 da do. 40 da [LD OF FURRIERS AND SKINNERS 281 N — Stoat Bellies, dressed Do. Backs do. eruoU — Squirrel, undressed Do. dressed tisi — Sucklings, undressed Do. dressed He — Polecats, undressed Do. dressed rtore — Martens, undressed Do. dressed etc etc. etc. etc. thus reckoning by hundreds, a curious, and perhaps char- c, custom prevailed, namely that of counting upon a start four to ten — probably each word of the established divine ly invocation reckoning at the outset of the enumeration skin or fur ! the Gabella of 1402 the following rates were charged cins and furs offered for sale in the city — per hundred, : — Vaio and Faina — two pounds, Lattizi^ Ermellino, and I — three pounds. - Vair being so largely used was naturally inent object for taxation, not only in the annual special — raised for extraordinary State purposes, — but also at the ■ the city in the ordinary way. of customs on imports, a MS., entitled : *' A Summary of Commerical Dues of Y of Florence," ^ written with the pen subsequent to the 1 1 under the heading " Guild of Furriers and Skinners," ■e following entries : — ins — ^belly and back^-dressed per 100, 2 pounds 4 denari. kins — belly and back — undressed per 100, i pound soldi \ denari, ins — bellies only — dressed per 100, i pound 2 denari, backs only do. i do. 4 do. of cut Vair — ^bellies per 160, 18 soldi Do. with the hair worn off, per 1 60, 8 soldi. 1 D. M. Manni, « SigilU," etc. 282 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE Raw fur was made ready for use by softening the pclt^^ skins, or hides, with sweet olive oil, and then trampling upoi# them in tubs filled with fine hardwood sawdust at bloodheat The pelt was removed and drawn over sharp knives to remove portions of flesh or other adhesive substances. The thickest hide was in this way rendered as soft and pliable as the thinnest kid used for gloves. The Furrier then sorted the skins treated, with respect to colour and texture of hair, and cut them to the model required. The pelt was next nailed down to a board damp and stretched by pins. The last process was trimming and softening the edges. The greater number of the workshops and sale emporiums of the Guild were situated along the fine Via de' Pellicdai. No more attractive thoroughfare could be found in old Florence, and in none other did so many men and women of fashion congregate daily to admire and covet the splendid furs exhibited by the merchants of the Guild. Here the Lamberti, the Toschi, the Cipriani, the Pilli and others vied with one another in the variety of their stocks and in the perfection of their methods and styles of dressing. The commerce in skins became greatly extended and very important. Treaties were entered into with Ferrara and Mantua with respect to export and import In 1307 a convention was signed between the Commune of Florence and the Counts of Mugnone concerning the making and keeping of a certain trade route between Florence and Bologna. The expenses of the enterprise were laid upon the values and weights of goods transported there along. Among the taxes was that of one pound upon each load of fox or cat skins. The value of the mixed furs exported by the "Guild of Furriers and Skinners " was very great, and the transport convoys were constantly in danger of attack and robbery. Among re- prisals addressed by the Priors of Florence in this behalf was one delivered to the Council of State of Siena in 1329, seeking GUILD OF FURRIERS AND SKINNERS 283 ^■^stitution for two bales of coverlets of miniver, consigned by Florentine merchants from Grosseto to Siena, or compensation in nioney upon the finding of the joint Court of Arbitration. Cibrario has many entries of the exports and values of furs dressed by the "Guild of Furriers and Skinners" in Florence. For example, under the date 1367, eighty-seven marten skins, for the lining of a cloak for Amadeo VI. of Savoy, to be delivered in Rome — twenty-seven gold florins. Everybody wore furs, more or less valuable, and even the austere rules of clothing observed in the religious houses were relaxed, until luxury and ostentation in clerical dress became a scandal. A council held in London in 1 127 passed a decree forbidding Abbesses and other holy nuns from wearing skins of any kind except those of lambs, cats, and rabbits.^ Again in 1225 Cardinal Sant' Angelo regulated the habits of monks, so that none were allowed new fur garments oftener than every third year, and these were not to be lined with the skkis of fox, or leopard, or firstlings of sheep. Two sorts of capes were allowed — one, of white fur, for the summer, and one of darker shades of grey, in winter : the latter only were of a lai^e size to reach to the ground. In the thirteenth century every one wore a peUicciay — ^short cloak, — lined with vair, ermine, or other fur. Many better-to-do citizens also possessed long cloaks lined with vair, and bordered with finer furs. Caps of latizzi, — young vair-skin, — and of vair mixed with other furs, were in general use. The fur-lined tunics of soldiers, — especially cavalry, — gave fashions to civilians, who, of both sexes, understood well enough the comfort and grace of tight-fitting but yielding clothing. The vogue for the wearing of fur increased along with that of silken ornaments, and marked the prosperity of Florence, and the sumptuousness of her merchants and people. The great use made of vair or miniver by the superior cler^ is evidenced in a register of the expenses of the Papal Court at ' Balducci regolotti, vol. iii. p. 263. 284 THE GUILDS OF FLORETS CE Avignon in January 1327. Therein is an entry, which states that Francesco, merchant of Florence, and Giovanni Anastasio, fiinier, of Spoleto, supplied sixty-nine heavy cloaks and hoods, made of miniver, for winter wear by persons attached to the Court of the Pope. The sum paid by Ugone de' Cardaltiacci, the Papal Trea- surer, was 763 gold florins. Another entry records the supply, DIRECTOR OF TOURNAMBNT DISTRIBUTING CANDIDATES* BADGES BEFORE A GIOSTRL {Noie the Capes of Voir) on June 12th, 1327, by the same Francesco, — "merchant and furrier," — of one hundred and seventy-eight summer vestures, edged with miniver for summer use at the Papal Court, at a total cost of 1 10 gold florins.^ Vair or miniver was the fur most commonly in use, but certain restrictions confined it to the State robes of digpiitaries, and to the official dress of Judges, Doctors and Knights. The ^ Archivio del VaticaDO, folio 45. GUILD OF FURRIERS AND SKINNERS 285 former were called ^* abiti dt riguardo^^ and were also adopted by ecclesiastics, — a use which has remained to our own day in the capes of canons and other dignified clergy. Boccaccio, ever observant of customs and fashions, says : ^ Esteemed are the garments lined with vair whereon falls oft- times the sword of knighthood/'^ By way of contrast, and to show the fondness of Florentines for ridicule, and their hatred of assumption of dignity by citizens, that inimitable critic, Antonio Pucci, tells how in his day: "they clothed the fool in vair."* This has reference to Villani's story of Giudetto della Torre, who sent a buffoon to yell at the cowardly Matteo Vincenti of Milan. The fool brought back an answer which so pleased Giudetto that he bestowed upon his witty messenger the furred robe of a baron, and gave him a good palfrey to boot I ' In a very quaint brochure written by one Charrier, and pub- lished in Paris in 1634, many curious customs and superstitions connected with the wearing of fur in the sixteenth century are recorded. He says : " Bachelors (Knights ?), Doctors of Law, Emperors and Doctors of Medicine are vested in the furs which represent the mysteries of Theology, the maxims of politics, and the secrets of medical science!" "For the use of furs cures headache and stomach-ache ; rheumatism, which defeats the most powerful remedies, is removed by the skins of cats, of lambs, and of hares." Charrier goes on to assert with pride that : " of all the orna- ments which luxury has invented there are none so glorious, so august, and so precious as fur." "The privileges and honours of Furriers and Skinners," he adds, " surpass quite rightly those of all other Crafts!" • •••••.a The story of " Cinderella and the Glass Slipper," by the way, has a connection with the use of this fiir. It is of French origin, but quite early the equivalent for "glass" was translated and 1 Boocacdo, *' Labiriiito del Amore." * A. Pucd, Canto XL., iiL 40. ' Vilkni, voL viii. cap. 61. 286 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE copied erroneously— the original pantoufle de vair became pan- toufie de verre. The princess cast her miniver shoe — ^not a glass slipper 1 DRESS OF THE FLORENTINES DURING THE RENAISSANCE. The question of dress was always more or less important in the ethics of Florence, and, inasmuch as the chief industries, and the bulk of the commerce of the city and Cantctdo, were intimately concerned with such things as clothes are made of, it is a sub- ject which cannot be overlooked in any true appreciation of the life and work of the Guilds. Florentines in the twelfth century preserved many of the customs of their Roman forebears.^ They continued to wear the woollen shirt, or vest, with the big round cloak, or tc^a, made of their native wool. These garments were plain and undyed for the use of the lower classes, and coloured and ornamented for better-to-do folks. In his " Paradiso ** Dante speaks of primitive Florence thus :— *' Florence, within her ancient limit-mark. Which calls her still to matin-prayers and noon, Was chaste and sober, and abode in peace. The sons I saw Of Nerli and of Vecchio, well content With unrobed jerkins, and their good dames handling The spindle and the flax ; O happy they I " ' Ricordano Malespini records that, up to the year 1260, Florentines did not disdain coarse stuffs, and many were satisfied to clothe themselves in skins, and to wear fur caps and low leather shoes. The men had a close tight-fitting garment of woven goats' hair dyed scarlet All wore girdles, generally of fine leather, to which the better dressed added buckles. The ' Livy, xiii. 52 ; Virgil, iKncid, I. v. 2S6. « " Paradiso," Canto xv. GUILD OF FURRIERS AND SKINNERS 287 iromen were wont to cover their heads with cloth, or linen, nantles and veils. The habits of the Religious Orders were adapted from the dress )f the peasantry, which consisted of a tunic or shirt of rough frieze, reaching well below the knees, with a woollen girdle. The legs were bare, but in winter and wet weather leather buskins were nrom by all classes and orders.^ The manners, and life generally, of the people of Florence, towards the end of the thirteenth century,* were marked by jravity, sobriety, and frugality. Their homely fare cost them ittle, they cared not for rich eating. Each household lived very nuch by itself, and few and far between were public entertain- nents. Nevertheless they were a cheerful race, and, whilst above dl things seriously in earnest about business affairs, they were fond of mirth, and song, and the dance, in their proper seasons. Certainly some of their ways were somewhat rough and rude, but n their intercourse with strangers they were given to marked consideration and courtesy. In speech they were not fluent, but 'hatting gave them more pleasure than a polished oration or a vitty dialc^ue. Both men and women were coarsely clad, mostly in leather erkins and skirts, with dressed skins for extra covering. The «tter to do affected valuable furs, but these were worn without ostentation. Small tight-fitting leather caps, or woven woollen trretUy were sported by both sexes upon their heads. All wore lain hose, and when not bare of foot, they had heavy boots and does of leather. The richer married women donned tight petti- >ats, of coarse red ^' Ipro " or " Camo," — Camaiardo — cloth, gathered t the waist with a leathern belt and metal buckle. Some also put (1, in winter time, fur-lined mantles, with hoods attached, — called isseUi^-r-to cover the head. The poorer women wore gowns of ^ugh green Cambiagio stuff made in the same way as the uments of their more wealthy sisters. ^ Kicordano Malespini, '* L'Istoria Antica di Firenze," cap. xi. « Villani, lib. vi. 288 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE The younger women exercised great continence, and rarely accepted marriage until they were well over twenty years of age: A hundred lire was considered an ample dowry for a bride, whilst two or three hundred were regarded as a splendid fortune by the fortunate bridq^oom. Among prohibitions, — sumptuary and otherwise, — enacted from time to time for observance by members of the Guilds, was an Order of the Priors in 1 296 with respect to the emblazonment of arms. It runs thus : — ^^ Let no one venture to establish a private club, society, or company with unauthorised arms. Let no one bear painted arms, except according to the Statutes of his Guild, or the Order of the Commune. Every Master of a Trade with his sons, brothers, and nephews, are permitted to wear, and to use, the painted arms and signs of his Craft. Let no one presume to bear painted arms not in use by his house. On payment of the pre- scribed fee of two hundred lire any man may assume the arms of King Charles, in addition to those of his house, '^opopolano^ — tradesman, — ^may use the arms of a ntagnificOy — ^merchant or magistrate, — or have such in his house unless he is a famulus^ or a member of his household. Nevertheless painters may colour arms, and tailors may sew them on garments, as also may armourers and shield-workers engrave them in metal and leather. All such badges are permitted to be exposed for sale by the Rigattieriy — Retail dealers, — in their shops." With the advance of artistic craftsmanship there appeared a more correct taste in the matter of personal attire and adornment Excellence of material, and its adaptability to the human figure, introduced not only simplicity in arrangement but correctness of cut and shape. Exuberance of colour gave way to artistic crontrast, unity of effect, and sobriety in enrichment. Woollen fabrics were considered correct wear for ordinary days, whilst silken stuffs became the garments of joy and festivity. Everyday costumes were usually unadorned, but not inartistic, for the quality of the cloth, and even the make up of the raiment, were matters of moment. u: o X p I H GUILD OF FURRIERS AND SKINNERS 289 Older people wore the stately neck to ankle lucco of scarlet silk, on occasions of ceremony ; but in ordinary times, of black silk, or finest black serge. Round the neck was wrapped the white silk, or woollen, becchetto^ whilst the hoary head was covered with the large btrretta and its hanging curtain of red. Young men of eighteen years or so wore surcoats of black sei^e, or rascia^ — rough cloth, — ^sometimes lined with taffetta^ which reached to their heels. In winter the lining of the surcoats of such as were scions of rich families, were of fur, or wadded rich silk bro* cade. Ermisino^ a light Eastern silk, was worn by rising Doctors of Law. The pantaloons of wool or silk, according to season, and the wearer's circumstances, were tight fitting, and slashed at the knee and hip. The colours were matters of taste. " La berretta alia civico** — was worn upon the head, made of black serge, or rascia, and lined with silk — ^the curtain was often green. Another form of headdress was the cafpuccio^ — a hood used by older people, and also universally in winter time,— *- made of cloth also, but trimmed with fur. Men upon a journey wore a gabbana — a felt cloak. Clothes were changed most scrupulously every Sunday: clean things being worn first to Mass! The dress of the peasantry was scanty but suitable. Luca Delia Robbia, in his twelve *' Rondels " of the Seasons, has shown us the Tuscan countryman at work in the different duties of his calling.^ A plain shirt of wool or linen, or of a mixture, tied at the waist, covered the body, leaving the head and legs bare. Stockings of wool were added in winter, and shoes of leather were put on for digging and felling timber. When going to town, or to Mass, they wore long buttoned-up gowns, or tunics, without sleeves, the shirt sleeves coming through, and a belt of leather was added, or not, as it pleased the wearer. Peasant women, in the fields, were clad in dingy clothing made of rough woollen cloth, or coarse linen canvas ; but, when going into market or to Mass, they ^ At V. and A. Moseom, Soath Kensington. T 290 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE superimposed a skirt of black or green, and covered their heads with white linen kerchiefs, or woollen shawls. Operatives of the city were attired in the garments best suited to their various industries. These were never rags, but were made specially for their purpose, and sometimes donned over the home dress. Men and women alike were proud to be seen in the garb of the Guild to which they belonged. Wool, linen, canvas, and leather, were the materials used. The superior workmen were careful also to sport the crest or arms of their Guild upon their tunics : the wearing of such decorations however upon the head covering was forbidden, £ls-ofl[fering a party or a trade badge, and inciting to disorder. Merchants, Judges, Notaries, Doctors, and Apothecaries, all wore garments of distinctive and appropriate shape, colour, and rich- ness, and such costumes were compulsory, both in their public occupations and in their private life. Magistrates, in the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth centuries, were known by their long grey or yellow surtouts, and scarlet berrette with red curtains. Adornments of gold and silver, silk and velvet, fur and leather, came later. The Padesta^ Ganfahnieri di Giustizia^ Captains of the People, Priors or Consuls, and other Dignitaries were habited in scarlet and gold, with fur linings and trimmings to their cloaks. They usually wore red cappucd or berrette with deep curtains, all turned up with miniver and laced with gold. Their stockings were scarlet, and their boots light tan or black leather embroidered in gold. The Consuls' headgear resembled cardinals' hats, and they wore uncut diamonds and sapphires. Pearls were reserved for the use of the Podesta and Gonfahniere di Giustizia, whose State robes were spangled with golden stars. An excessive taste for wearing finery sprang up during the fourteenth century, somewhere about the year 1330, and the attention of sober-minded men was directed to its vagaries. Eight citizens were appointed to make the round of the city, and report upon the interior economy of private houses. The wearing . GUILD OF FURRIERS AND SKINNERS 291 of certain kinds of dress« regarded as superfluous, was forbidden. The only persons who appear to have escaped condemnation were the wives of Knights and Doctors — ^both of law and of medicine. A check was put upon the extravs^ance of State ceremonial, and upon the expenses of marriage feasts. It was ordered that bridesmaids and other guests should be simply clad, and that the outfit of the bride should be upon a modest scale. Sumptuary laws, which were passed from time to time, dealt largely with all forms of sartorial extravs^ance. The Catasto of 1427 was especially severe against pride and ostentation of vesture. One rubric was as follows : " No female — ^woman or girl — of whatever rank or condition, married or unmarried, shall dare or presume, in the city of Florence or in the Contado^ to wear any sleeve, bodice, mantle, robe, or other garment, lined with the for of any animal, whether domestic or wild, coarse or fine, by whatever name it may be known. ..." Another rubric enacted that no person of whatever rank or condition, nor any tailor, dressmaker, vair merchant or furrier, shall dare, or presume, to cut out, make, line, or cause to be cut out, made, or lined, any of the following garments : dappe — long tunics, and cottadiU villani — blouses (?) whereof fur is a principal part The wearing of gold embroidery and jewellery was strictly r^^lated, the women were, nevertheless, " allowed to wear, upon the collars of their garments, — to a depth of the third of a braccio^ — £^old, silver, and gilt embroidery." ^ Damasks, figured silks, and brocades were forbidden for ordinary wear, and the colours and decorations of such robes as were permissible, were rq^lated by simplicity. The following were some of these enactments : — " No one shall presume to wear more than one pound of silver in garlands, or buttons, or anything else, upon the head or person . . . over and above this they may wear a silver belt, weighing, with the ^ L'OssemUore Fioientino» vol. tL p. 86. 292 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE clasp, fifteen ounces, and no more . . . the said silver may be gilt" No woman is permitted to have more than two silk dresses at the same time. Sleeves and linings are not to be of silk or fur, but of wool, linen, or cotton. " They shall not dare to wear any intaglio, — open lace-work, — of more than a braccio in width . . . nor any fringe of gold, silver, Or silk, on the dress, except upon the bodice. . . . The hem of the garments may be enriched, but no skirt may be more than ten braccia round." Very many other details follow, prescribing, with singular precision, every portion of the clothing — male and female. In the matter of jewellery — ostentation was to be avoided. " Women shall not presume to wear . . . more than two rings, and the rings shall not have more than one pearl and one other precious stone." With respect to the wedding Cassoni, or coffers, strict in- junctions were given, for example : — " No one shall dare to send in the caskets of women or girls, when promised or betrothed, jewelled necklaces, nor to give them garlands or brooches of pearl, precious stone, gold, and silver." Some of the sumptuary measures passed and put into execu- tion, have already been referred to in earlier chapters, and also the matnner in which they were met and avoided by the people. The pressure became so excessive and irritating that a recoil was the only possible outcome. Gradually the prosecution of these sartorial reforms was slackened, and, in the fifteenth century, they ceased to have any force, not only on account of the difficulty of maintaining them, but because of the vastly increased import and manufacture of costly objects and fabrics. In the frescoes at Santa Maria Novella we see the new fashions just come in, and the mural pictures in other city churches, and in the palaces, carry on the sartorial story. Strangely enough men set the fashion in those days, but GUILD OF FURRIERS AND SKINNERS 298 the vagaries, or the reverse, of male attire were quickly adopted by the fair sex. Cavaliers wore close-fitting tunics, with the points of their wristbands lined with vair, reaching to the ground. Smart women took the cue, and reformed their modes in accord. The fashion came in of wearing parti-coloured hose, crossed in* three or four colours. Shoes had very long points, and . the wearers' legs were so enwrapped with ribbons and laces, that they could hardly sit down. Young men went about in silken or woollen tights, and wore silk or velvet mantles, depending from their shoulders. Their hair hung down their backs, and long feathers were stuck into their jaunty red caps. The fair sex improved upon these styles, and their skirts were skin-tight — cumbering their feet Sacchetti says " some women had their dresses cut so low that the armpits could be seen ; they then gave a jump, and made the collars come up to their ears I " The trousseau and the marriage feast of Giovanna de' Medici were remarkable for the splendour of the robes and decorations.^ Four chief merchant princes of the city, Messeri, Manno Temper- ani. Carlo Pandolfini, Giovannazzo Pitti, and Tommaso Soderini were the bride's supporters, each clad in festal attire of crimson, silk and scarlet cloth, lined with miniver. The bride herself was gowned in cloth of gold with an ermine mantle, whilst her dinner dress was of white zetana^ — very thick satin, — powdered with pearls, and trimmed with sable and ermine. Rich furs were worn by all the guests. The fifty gentle- women and fifty gentle-youths, who formed the bodyguard of the fair Giovanna, vied with one another in the decoration of their tight-fitting jackets edged with sable, and their capacious sleeves, with pointed wristbands lined with miniver and ermine, reached to the floor ; and their shoes were embroidered with gold, and bordered with sable. Giovanna de' Medici's marriage Cassone contained a necklace ' Guido Biagi, " Private Life of the Reaaissftnce Florentines." 294 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE of diamonds, rubies, and pearls, — ^valued at 100,000 gold florins, a hood embroidered with pearls, a fringed Milanese hat, eight pairs of silk stockings, four pairs of gloves, a cape of silver and pearls, a fine lawn shift, many robes with trains of brocade, and velvet edged with fur, and many more fine things. In the latter years of the Republic personal adornment and extravagance in dress reached a phenomenal height Doctor Biagi says: — "In 1467 Benedetto Salutati, for the State Tournament, put upon the harness, headgear, and the trappings of two horses, one hundred and seventy pounds of pure silver, which he caused to be worked by the hands of Antonio PoUaiuolo ; and, around the robes of the heralds, he strung thirty pounds of pearls, — ^the greater part of which were of great value ! " Many amusing stories are told by the topical writers of the Renaissance concerning the fashions, and their constant changes^ " Poor Messere Valore di Buondelmonte, an old man cut on the ancient pattern, was forced by his relations to change his cloak and hood. Everybody marvelled, and stopped him in the streets, asking: — Oh what is this, Messer Valore, I do not know you? What is the matter with you? Have you the mumps?" When ruffs came in, "Salvestro Brunelleschi, while eating some peas with a spoon, instead of putting them into his mouth, slipped them inside his ruff* and scalded himself!"! Under the Medici no limits were set to the liberty of the person, so far as clothing and ornaments were concerned. Only one law was passed, — ^and that under the Grand Duke Ferdi- nand II., — ^prohibiting in detail dress, furniture, and other house- hold and private matters, but it was rescinded after a nine months' probation. We must always remember, in reviewing the dress and fashions of the Renaissance, that the physical culture of the ^ " Private Life of the Renaissance Florentines," \ f^^'L ' 4 1 !/-'*^f r r ■ r^-va'i ^^^ ^4 wl ^S^--v:J }^lM' ' ^IkJ WL^M '1 • a2 i5 < S J. a 2 ? c < 2r ^ = o ll GUILD OF FURRIERS AND SKINNERS 295 Florentines, acting upon their naturally fine forms, produced grace of deportment and elegance of bearing in every class of life. ''Fine feathers make fine birds" elsewhere, but in Florence it was rather the fine figures that set off the fine clothes ! " Stimma delt Arit d^ Vaiai t PiUkciai " White Agmu DH on blue field on first quarter of field of Vair Chapter X THE GUILDS OF BUTCHERS, BLACKSMITHS, AND SHOEMAKERS LE ARTI DET BSCCAI, BIT FABBRI, E DET CALZOLAl I. Butchers. — War-lords, graziers and slaughterers. Scant pasturage of Tuscany. Custom dues and evasions. Clever salesmen. Mercato Vecchia Ponte Vecchio. Heads must be attached to carcases. Florentine delicate palettes. Fishmongers and fish. Fines and litigation. *' Cheats!" and '* Wooden-shoes 1" II. Smiths. — Tuscany rich in minerals. St Eloy. Scions of nobility. Primitive forges and smelting yards. ''Old iron and brass to sell!" Re- naissance wrought iron-work. A money-grabber. Renowned workers in metals. The Acciaiuoli fiunily. III. Shoemakers.— ''Nothing like leather I" Many associated trades. Dependent upon the Guild of Tanners. Shoemakers wsimed not to harbour wandering fellows. Lining of armour. Buskins worn by all classes. Flirtations. I. L'Arte DE' Beccai IN every list of the Florentine Guilds the *^ Arte de' Beccai*' heads the Second Division, or Lesser Guilds, and occupies the first place among the Five Intermediate Guilds. The term Beccai was originally applied to the highest families in Italy. The war-lords, who set out from Germany in the Middle Ages, possessed themselves of the fat of the lands they traversed — ^seizing cattle and stock of all kinds, and robbii^ castles and villages with impunity. The use of the word in this sense by Dante, it is said, greatly offended Francis I. Something of the same feeling seems to have been shared by the Renaissance Florentines, who strove to differentiate between Beccai — graziers — and Macellai — ^slaughterers. Anyhow the Guild was, at its first inception in the thirteenth century, composed of GUILD OF BUTCHERS 297 wholesale dealers : the corporation of retail butchers being a later arrangement The earliest mention of a "butcher" in the Archives of Florence is of one ^^ MarHnus — beccadore^* in mo, but whether he was a member of such a Guild as that in Paris, to which King Philip, in 1 162, granted a charter, nobody can say.^ It is true that in every country in Europe in the Middle Ages ** butchers " played a leading rdle, not alone in the arena of com- mercial enterprise but in that too of political activity. This pre- eminence was in part due to hereditary antecedents and traits, and in part to effective physical culture. Bodily strength and force of character were ever potential attributes of success in life generally, and these were marks of the Beccai of Florence in particular. There can be no doubt that two motives lai^ely influenced the incorporation of the Beccai. First, the breeders and graziers of cattle and sheep needed to protect themselves, their lands, and their stock, from the attacks of robber captains and cattle raiders : and secondly, they wished to control the supply of meat, and to keep the retail-butchers and slaughterers out of the wholesale market. The latter precaution was soon seen to be unwise, for, with the rapid growth of the population, retail-butchers became a necessity, and amicable terms between the two sections of meat- merchants proved to be the best policy. The first distinct mention of the ^'Arte cU Beccai** was in 1236, when the Buonuomini^ who took in hand the reformation and classification of the trades of Florence, placed it eighth in the order of the Guilds, and named it first among the Fourteen Lesser Guilds. This priority of position was due to the influential character of the first members of the Corporation. They were not only simple country breeders and peasant traders, but many among them were prosperous city manufacturers and merchants. These rich men found, in the possession of poderi^ farm lands ^ Davidssohn, " Geschichte von Florenz.** 298 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE and stock, safe and profitable investments for their capital. This economical condition aflfords an interesting parallel to the much earlier absorption of the landed Grandi by the city Popolani — a reflexive movement of high political importance. The "Guild of Butchers" retained its premier rank at the revision and enlai^ement of the Guilds in 1266, by which date probably, the two sections, — Beccai and Macellai^ — ^had discovered the advantages of co-operation and mutual respect In the list of Guilds, revised in 1280 and 1282, a further distinction was awarded the " Guild of Butchers." It was placed first of the ** Five Intermediate Guilds," which were for many years classed among the " Twelve Greater Guilds." This arrangement proved the importance and influence of the butchering confraternity in the Commonwealth, and it also led to the addition of a powerful company to the trained bands of the city. No Guild company carried its gonfalon with a higher hand, or was capable of giving a better account of itself in times of stress, than the slaughterers who were bom fighting men. By the end of the thirteenth century the position and character of the Guild were fully recc^piised. No Confraternity possessed ^ finer or more sumptuously fumisb^ed Residence than that which housed its Consuls by the side of Or San Michele, and no banner flaunted more proudly than that of the black goat upon its yellow field — ^the armorial l^arings of the Guild. The Beccai were, from the first, faced by a great natural difficulty which needed brains and means to overcome. The Vale of Amo was a fruitful garden and land could hardly be spared for grass. The uplands and the Tuscan hills afforded only poor pasture, quite sufficient perhaps for the g^wth of wool, but un- suitable for fattening purposes. Consequently flocks and herds had to be driven to distant localities where richer eatage could be found. Journeys to and fro, in and out of Tuscany, called for heavy outlay in shepherding, and involved duties at the frontiers of foreign States. The risks of travel and the losses by the way ARMS OF THE GUILD OF BUTCHERS GUILD OF BUTCHERS 299 were great, and everything conspired to harden the selling price of live stock and dead meat At the same time an embargo was placed upon, and maintained s^ainst, the export of live stock beyond the Cantado, The first restriction of this character of which there is a record was in 1285.^ With such a considerable importation of live stock and of dead meat it is conceivable that many tales were rife, in the Markets, of clever ruses adopted to escape payment of the Gate dues. It was not an uncommon practice to place two carcases upon the back of a mule or donkey, and to cover them well with green stuff, so that only one was exposed and paid for ! The risk however of discovery was serious, for on detection, by an over conscientious official, the beast of burden, as well as his load, was confiscated : whilst, it was within common knowledge that, the distrained car- cases were shared by the staff of the Dogana I A Prowisione was past^ed in the thirteenth century which directed the arrest of the dishonest dealer, but he usually squared the authorities by paying a fine ! The Gate customs against commodities of all kinds affected largely the interest of the stock-dealers and of the retail-butchers. Towards the end of the thirteenth century, whilst the selling price of a fat ox ranged from twelve to sixteen lire^ the tax upon the animal amounted to ten per cent In 1 3 1 9 the GabeUa, or tax on live-stock at the gates, levied upon the breeders and butchers, realised the high total of 1.185 go^cl florins,— ^nearly ;f6oo.* Indeed it was, as a rule, more remunerative to kill the beasts outside the city, and to carry through, separately, the carcases and the hides or fleeces. This question of customs was, ever and again, cropping up ; and the need of oiganised efforts to counteract illiberal legislation rendered the services of the Consuls of the Guild of the utmost importance, not only to the members of the Guild, but to the whole community of the city. > "Le CoDSttUe,'' i. ii8, July ao, 1385. * Cibnurio (1253—1378), 16. 5 ; 16. 9, la Prow. kvi. 116 V«^ 800 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE Florence early became a profitable centre of the meat trade of Tuscany, which assumed very considerable proportions in the early years of the fourteenth century. The annual average of fat stock which entered the city was as follows: — Four thousand bulls and cows, sixty thousand sheep and lambs, twenty thousand goats and bucks.^ A decree of Duke Charles of Calabria, issued on May i6th, 1327, ordered the " merchants of the Guild of Butchers " to drive more oxen and cows out of Apulia for the provisioning of the city. Raisers of stock were obliged to go themselves to market and to drive only their own beasts. Agents or brokers were not allowed to come between them and the retail butchers. This injunction held for a good hundred years or more — 1 346-1477.* The driving of cattle, — whether to the shambles or not, — was subject to strict regulations, and each animal was taxed, — ^thc bigger cattle at eight to twelve, and small animals at four denari per head. Each beast had a label or ticket attached to his horn or throat with the owner's name written upon it' Foreign cattle driven by strangers, and sold in the Market, or at the Gates, had to be killed and the meat exposed the same evening. On no condition were wholesale butchers allowed to sell to hawkers until the amount of fresh meat usually required, day by day, by the citizens had been provided and disposed of to the ordinary retail dealers. Clever salesmen were in the habit of underselling, by four denari in the pound, the daily market official prices ; and this evasion of the regulations was not only condoned but encouraged by the authorities. What the intention of this irregularity was it is difficult to understand, only it might have been due to a paternal wish that all citizens, — even the very poorest, — might enjoy, at least during public festivals, — a better diet than was possible in ordinary days.* The Mercato Vecchio was for a long period the principal centre 1 Villani, xi. 93. ^ SUituti de' Beccai, Cod. i., Rub. la ' SUituta, 1415, Rub. ccUxiii. ^ Prow. 1465 ; Reg. 157, 216. GUILD OF BUTCHERS 301 of the Butchers. Around its four sides open stalls v/ere placed, whereon meat for retail sale was exposed. It was strongly for- bidden to keep meat for sale inside a house or store within the city, and not until well on in the fourteenth century were covered shops allowed.^ The new Ponte Vecchio, built by the State in 1345, at a cost of sixty thousand gold florins, had a double row of shops. Forty- four of these were claimed by, and granted to, the "Guild of Butchers/' and remained in the occupation of members until 1490, when the Goldsmiths obtained them from Cosimo I. Retail-butchers of the Market were not suffered to enter into partnership with cattle-dealers. They could not keep more than one assistant. They were required to live within five hundred yards of the Piazza Santa Croce, — in the vicinity of which were the shambles.^ Every butcher before he was licensed, either to kill, or expose meat, was compelled to be enrolled or matriculated in the " Guild of Butchers." During the Patronal Festival of San Giovanni in June there was always a great increase in the supply of butcher's meat, and this called into work many extra hands. At all such festivals the prices to be charged by the MactUai were fixed by the Consuls of the Guild, and a tariff was ordered to be exposed at every stall. The licence also of the Guild was required by all temporary assis- tants, and the amount of their wages was arranged by the Consuls.' The J/tfr^/to' could only buy fat cattle at the weekly public sales, and they were, by a Prowisione of 141 5, obliged to slaughter the animals within eight days of purchase. The slaughtering and dressing of meat were subject to strict regula- tions, and only in certain localities, outside the city, and at fixed hours, was it permissible to carry out these processes. The tax demanded by the State for the slaughtering of beasts was the same as that fixed for killing bears and wild boars, but it varied in amount considerably from time to time. » Sacchctti, " Nov : " 160, p. 37a. * ProvY. 1504, Reg. aa 'Prow. 1413, Reg. 164, 802. 302 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE The sale of pigs was wholly prohibited in the Old and New Markets, and in front of the Podesta's Palace. Fat pigs were not allowed to be kept in any dwelling-house in Borgo d'Ognissanti, or any locality bordering upon the river.* Butchers were forbidden to carry beef bellies, bullock and rams' heads, and the skins of recently killed animals through the Mercato Vecchio.* Butchers, Slaughterers, and Innkeepers, selling recently killed meat and cooked joints, were required to appear before the authorities of the Market in the month of January each year. They had to deposit a security of fifty lire^ and to swear that they would exercise their calling honestly and loyally. Tripe-sellers, — whether men or women, — sausage-makers, and cooks of ''snacks " at the smaller inns, were also ordered to appear in the month of January each year before the Notary of the Captains of Or San Michele to swear obedience to the Statutes.* In some way, as showing an early refinement in the gustatory tastes of the people, their fondness for delicate meat became more and more marked as the era of the Renaissance advanced. Beef and mutton for example, although excellent in quality and cheaper, were held in less estimation than were veal and lamb. This preference has been remarked by many writers both serious and hypercritical. It held out a temptation to the butcher con- fraternity to substitute coarser joints for the finer " tit-bits," to which very many of them yielded ; but such tradesmen gave a bad name to the trade, and added force to the popular opinion concemii^ unfair dealing. To prevent fraud and substitutions it was required by the Consuls of the Guild that the carcases of lambs and calves should always be exposed for sale at the butchers' stalls with the heads attached.^ Associated with the butchers were the Pesciveneloli — Fish- mongers— who were r^;ularly organised and under strict bydaws. ^ Rab. cclix., 141 5. ' Rub. cdx., 1415. ' Rab. ccxTii., 141 5, ^ L'Ossenratoie Fiorentino, It. 9-1 i. GUILD OF BUTCHERS 303 Fresh fish could only be sold in the loggia by the Ponte Vecchio, and at certain butchers' shops, which were specially licensed by the Market authorities. These were furnished with tanks wherein the fish had to be deposited, because wholesale display upon the stalls was absolutely forbidden. To poison fish in the river, or marshes, was a criminal offence, and was dealt with severdy.^ Tinche — ^tench — from the lake in the Val Chiana, was sold as follows : — Big fish, — weighing one pound or more, — two soUU per pound ; small fish, — under a pound, — one soldo eight denari. Tench from Pado, and out of Lx>mbardy, followed the same quotations. Tench from Brentina, Gusciana, and other places, — not being so highly esteemed, — was charged lower rates. Eels from Val Chiana, and other localities, varied in price from three soldi to one ^Ido^ four denari. Lampreys, sardines, and other small fry, were sold in the gross. Upon all fish, dues were levied, at the Gates ^d Quays, at so much per cent upon the wholesale market price. Innkeepers, Butchers, and Fishmongers, were not allowed to enter into partnership with people living in the country for the supply of fish, but they had to go to the Markets, or shops, like other people.' Cooks were restrained from purchasing fresh fish ^nd then selling it again uncooked. The^ were also forbidden, as ^cre all citizens, to keep fish in aquaria, water-baskets, or other ^closures, for indefinite periods.' By injunction of the Captains of Or San Michele and other Market Magistrates, fresh meat, fresh and salt fish, and all ^mestibles which were perishable, were not allowed to be exposed for sale more than for one day.* The Councils of the Podesta and of the Captain of the People, ^d later on the State Council of the Signoria, were almost daily hesi^ed by persons who had complaints to make of the bad quality of the meat and fish offered for sale in the Market, and of the fraudulent practices of the butchers. Under date May lo, ^ Rabb cxzii., 1415. ^ Rub. cxxTii.,1415. ' Rub. czxTUL, czsxi., 1415* ^ Rub. ccxx., cexxi., I4i5« 304 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE 1 28 1, a case was dealt with wherein Brunetto Latini — Dante's Master — proposed that the " Quattordici^' — ^The Fourteen — should appoint expert Inspectors, who should, without being known, make purchases of meat and fish indiscriminately, and thus detect any possible fraud or irregularity' on the part of the retail- dealers.* Heavy fines were imposed upon all unskilful and untidy workmen, and especially for carelessness in the disposal of oflfal, fish-bones, etc. The bundling of hides and fleeces, and their prompt removal from the shambles were insisted upon. No class of tradesmen revelled so thoroughly and constantly in legal processes as did the Beccat, the MiueUai and th^ Pescivendoli: and somehow or other they generally gained the day I ' At the enactment of the General Code of Statutes for all the Guilds in 1 301-1309, and again in 1346, and 141 5, the " Guild of Butchers " retained its position in the hierarchy of the Guilds. Under the Medici the importance of the Guild was constantly affirmed and duly acknowledged : for example, in tluc Parliament held on August i8th, 1343, in the Church of Sant=^ Maria del Fiore, Francesco di Giovanni, a member of the " GuiL^ of Butchers," was nominated, as representing the Popolo Minut^^ together with Filippo de* Bardi, and Tegghia de' Bonacotti, — i*"*^ presentatives respectively of the Grandi and the Popolo Grasso^ — — to consult for the public security. At this conference, by the wa^^ the final step was taken by the Signoria to expel the Duke c^^ Athens. Under the Medici the Guild throve amazingly. The prosperitr^ of all the citizens led to the increased enjoyment of all pleasurc^^ — those of the table always being foremost During the cel^-" bration of Giostrty and other festivals, hospitality was general anc^ profuse : everybody feasted himself and his neighbour, greatly to the profit pecuniarily of the Beccai. On the enrolment of the Fourteen Lesser Guilds in four . Universities in 1534, the Arte d^ Beccai was placed first in • 1 « Le Consttlte," t i. 9 and 13, pp. 15, 16. GUILD OF BUTCHERS 305 order in the premier University, along^ with the Oliandoli^ and Famai — ^the other two food-supplying Guilds of the city. The style " Universita di Par San Piero, " — " The University of Saint Peter's Gate," — ^was given to this Union, a title derived from the proximity of the activities of the Guilds to the Gate of that name. By the members of the Greater Guilds at large the ArU (U Beccai was looked upon with disdain. No citizens were considered of less estimation than the indispensable breeders and slaughterers of cattle. In fact the proud manufacturers of the ''Guild of Wool" ridiculed the Butchers on the score of dishonesty and dubbed them ladrancelli — Cheats! On their part, the Butchers were wont to return the compli- ment : " You, Ciompi care only for the wool of which you fleece your customers, whilst we, honest men, sell good sound meat to feed you, and fit you for your work ! " * Anyhow the Butchers of Florence did not bear a good reputa- tion for straight dealing, but in this opinion they had for comrades the Vtnattieri — wine-merchants and the Albergatori — Innkeepers ! The Florentines of old time were for the most part abstemious in their consumption of animal food. Sir Richard Dallington, writing at the close of the sixteenth century, says : " The working people average not more than a stone weight of fresh meat per man per annum." ' This is probably under the actual mark con- siderably, for other travellers noted with astonishment and admira- tion the good eating and drinking of all classes of the community. Indeed it is not untrue to say that much of the thew and sinew of the citizens, — whether rich or poor, — ^was, in a great measure, due to generous and nourishing diet This opinion is confirmed when it is remembered that flesh-eating peoples have ever been the rulers of cities and of empires — Romans, Floren- tines, and Britons to wit I » Sftochetti, " NoveUe," 160, t. ii. p. 377. • " Survey," p. 35. U 306 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE II. L'Arte de' Fabbri The fact that Tuscany is particularly rich in minerals, and especially so in lead, tin, copper, lignite, and iron-oxides, must be borne in mind when attention is directed to her workers in metals. The Etruscans were among the forbears of the Florentines, and their skill in the manipulation of iron and gold, in particular, has placed them in the foremost ranks of smithery. Doubtless they learned their art from Greek colonists, and in turn they became teachers of the Romans. The island of Elba was an important source of mineral wealth away back in ancient days, and the prosperity of the city of Popolonia was in a great measure due to the mechanical arts of her citizens. At Monte Amiata was mercury, and other deposits included boracic crystals, siena earths, and salt. Whilst marble in endless variety and richness abounded all over the country, — epecially at Carrara and Massa, — ^there do not appear to have been any coal deposits in Tuscany. The earliest form of an iron forge was merely an excavation in the windward side of a hill or crest The date of cast iron is uncertain , but it was produced in the fourteenth century. The discovery of the process was due to the adoption of larger furnaces and higher pressure bellows. Steel was evolved in the middle of the sixteenth century. It was noted by Biringuccio in 1540, and described by Agricola in "Z?^ Re MetaUica^' 1561 — that a bar of wrought iron, kept immersed long in molten cast iron, became acierated by taking up the carbon of the cast iron. St Eligius was r^arded as the Patron of Blacksmiths. He worked as a journeyman in a smithy, but, coming under the notice of King Dagobert, was made Court-treasurer and Mint-master. In 640 he was advanced to the Bishopric of Noyon. Among his good works was the founding at Soligniac, near Limoges, of a monastery of smiths, in connection with which he further estab- lished a school for artificers in metal. o o X u X i GUILD OF BLACKSMITHS 307 Many extraordinary stories are told of the saintly Blacksmith and his spiritual powers. On one occasion, at all events, he is reported to have worked an astonishing miracle. A horse brought to his smithy to be shod became possessed of the devil, who caused him to plunge and kick so violently that no one could shoe him. St Eligius determined to accomplish the job, and at once chopped off one of the horse's l^s, and having without difficulty nailed a shoe to the hoof, he immediately restored the separated member, and thus defeated the Evil One I After the death of the Countess Matilda the industries of Florence and of all Tuscany prospered exceedingly. Her artizans no less than her merchants displayed admirable enter- prise and resourcefulness. Many of the scions of ancient noble houses, who had happened on evil days under the competition of the Popolani and the Popolo Minute^ threw in their lot with the citizens. The crafts which most attracted them were such as appealed to their warlike instincts, and they enrolled themselves as apprentices in the trade associations which dealt in metal, and stone, and wood. Quite the most popular handicraft was that of smithing, as one may easily understand by noting the great number of noble names which figured early on the Matriculation Rolls of the " Blacksmiths," the " Locksmiths," " the Armourers," and the ** Masters of Stone and Wood." These young fellows brought to their adopted work the thew and sinew b^otten of an active life in the open air. The Archives of Florence contain the following records in the eleventh and twelfth centuries : — " 1038, OUvus.fabtr — Blacksmith," " 1 141, Bemertus^fil. Barlittario — Bellfounder." " 1 1 46, Ugucciom^ CiUderarius — Coppersmith." In the year 1038 as many as six Blacksmiths are named, in 1065 two more, and in 1080 six others, all exercising their craft within the bounds of the Contado. In 1 1 74 a piece of land in 308 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE Oltramo, near the Ponte Vecchio, was sold for the purpose of a Bell-foundry. The Arte cU Fabbri came tenth in the List of the Guilds in 1236, and it retained that position in the Revisions of 1266, 1280-2, and 1 301-9. In 141 5, however, the "Guild of Blacksmiths" ranked ninth, displacing the "Guild of Shoe- makers." • ••00*» • Little or no trace remains of the early Statutes of the Guild. What has been preserved, — ^as was the case with the other Lesser Guilds, — is written in a mixed jargon of low Latin and abbreviated vernacular — ^very difficult to decipher. A document of the year 1274 states that the Smiths had then twelve Rectors, who, according to the r^^lations of the Guild received salaries ranging from eighteen to six denari for their terms of office.* This number being found too large, only six Rectors were elected in the following year. The number of Consuls varied from three to five in later times. The larger number indicated prosperous times and vice versd. At a council of Consuls and Capitudini of Guilds, held in 1286, a petition was presented to the Priors of the Guilds, on behalf of the Rectors of the " Guilds of Blacksmiths *' and "Locksmiths," praying first that no one should be permitted, within the confines of the city and Cantado^ to set up a Smith's- forge, a Smelting-fumace, or a Puddling-yard, for the manu- facture of metal wire, thin plates, and objects in metal, except members of the two Guilds, under pain of a fine of one thousand lire. The Second Article in the Petition prayed that no one, ex- cept members of the said Guilds, should be allowed to run metal wire in sheets, or do metal-work of any kind, within the same limits, save under a fine of one hundred lire. The Third Article required that all such manufactures should be confiscated and destroyed, whether found in the smithies and shops, or loaded ^ Archivio del Stato Fiorentino, Sept. 14, 1274. GUILD OF BLACKSMITHS 309 upon draught animals for sale beyond the boundaries of the Commune. The style '' Fabbri'' covered a number of workers in metals, METHOD OF FUSING MBTALS. SIXTEBNTH CENTURY. METHOD OF BEATING-OUT METAL PLATES. SIXTEENTH CENTURY. for example, the following all came under the category of Blacksmiths: Calderai — Copper-smiths, Ferraiuoli — Edged-tool makers, Ferrcpvecchi — Scrap-iron dealers, Fomaciai — Furnace- men, Manescalchi — Farriers, Ottanai — Workers in brass and Stagnaiuoli — Pewter-smiths. 810 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE Famaciai and Cakkrat were subject to strict rules vrith respect to the situation, build, and contents, of their fires and cauldrons. Inspectors, from time to time, visited all foundries and iron workshops to see that the quality of the metals, and the values of the mixtures, were exactly maintained Fines were imposed for inferior materials and bad workmanship, and the confiscation of the blend, whether in fire or bath, was effected.^ Manescakhi were forbidden to charge ordinary citizens more than three to four soldi for a shoe for a horse, a mule, or a pony. The price of a shoe for a young mule, or an ass, was two soldi six denari. Very big shoes were chained as much as six sokU, The removal of a shoe or the part, cost a third of each of these amounts. Smithies for shoeing purposes were required to be open from dawn to dusk every day, except Sundays and Festivals, when it was forbidden to do any farriers* work.* Ferravecchi were restrained in the prosecution of their calling. On no account were they suffered to go through the streets crying out : " Ferro vecchio^ vel rami vecchio a vendere I " " Old iron and brass to sell ! " Offenders were visited with fines of fifty liriy and they were required to furnish a surety for good behaviour to the tune of fifly silver florins. Smiths worked only for ready money, and allowed no credit* An idea of the financial position of the Guild may be obtained from the fact that in the general taxation of the Guilds, which took place in 1321, the Arte d^ Fabbri was mulcted in a sum of four hundred lire^ a comparatively insignifi- cant amount, whilst the Fomaciat were charged a separate assess- ment of ninety-two lire. The Statutes of the Guild were revised and enlarged in 1344, 141 5, 1472, 1525, and 1 541. The last date records a proposal of union between the Fabbri of Florence and Pisa. When Cosimo, the first Grand Duke, established four Universities to include the Fourteen Lesser Guilds, the third was styled " Universita dd Fabbricanti " — '' The University of Iron- ^ Cantini, vi. p. 357. * Rub. xcviii., 141 5. * Rab. zctu., 141 5. GUILD OF BLACKSMITHS 311 workers." It included i. Fabbri — Smiths, 2. ChiavaiuoU — Lock- smiths, 3. Maestri di Pietra e di Legname — Masters of Stone and Wood, 4. Corazzai e Spctdai — Cuirass and Sword-makers, or Armourers, and 5. Legnaiuoli — Carpenters. The Residence of the Consuls of the Guild was behind the Zecca — Mint, just out of the Via de' Lamberteschi. On its front were some finely moulded and hammered iron torch-sconces and banner-holders. In the latter were placed the Gonfalon of the Guild, chained with the armorial bearings, assigned to the Blacksmiths by Count Guido Novelli in 1 266, — a pair of furnace tongs upon a white field. • ••• ••.« The wrought-iron work of the Italian Renaissance was essentially sui generis, Gothic models were not known, and the influence of Byzantine artificers, and of the masters of antiquity, was of the faintest Apparently the ordinary manner of working was to beat out a thin flat surface of metal, and punch holes through it, or stamp designs upon it No finer example of this fiat-work exists than the Screen at Santa Maria Novella which is dated 1366.* At the beginning of the fourteenth century the casting of metals had become a staple industry in Florence. Among early workers, — artists and artificers combined, — were Clone, Ugolino, Giglio, Piero, Leonardo, and Nofai. The Duke of Athens, fearing personal violence, introduced, in 1 343, a novel window protection — iron gratings or bars, and caused the " Guild of Blacksmiths " to erect such defences at his Palace. The fashion grew, and window-gratings were among the finest examples of the Black- smith's skill. This vogue was further developed in 1 506 and the following years, by Michael Angelo, who introduced what was called "kneeling-gratings," that is to say bowed protections to windows. The " Masters of Stone and Wood " impressed their style of workmanship upon their "iron" brethren, and many wrought 1 Meyer, *< Handbook of the Art of Smithery," 1876, p. 63. 312 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE iron lanterns, and numberless other objects, are manipulated as though die material were stone or wood. This manner was exhibited in its ultimate perfection by a famous member of the Guild, Niccolo Grosso— 1 45 5- 1 509. Vasari calls him "// Caparra^^ — "Money Grabber" from his habit of demanding payment for his work in advance I His speciality vfZsfanaU^ — flare-baskets or lanterns, — ^such as still exist on the walls of the Strozzi, Guardagni, Pazzi, Borgherino, Riccardi and Quaratesi Palaces. The Grille-work of Florence has no superior outside Tuscany. Fineness of the iron wire and bars, perfection of hammering, beauty of scrolls and curves, naturalness of floral ornament, high finish of bosses and masks, neatness of joints and knobs, and grace of moulded volutes — ^with their curling tendrils — are the chief features of Florentine workmanship. The exquisite grilles, in the Campo Santo, at Santa Croce, which were put up in 1371, are of punched iron- work, with chiselled caps, bases, and mouldingSf and are finished by patient file and pincer-work. It is interesting to notice again the influence of the " Masters of Stone and Wood " in iron joinery and iron carving, which are like fine wood-work rather than smithery. In contradistinction to the florid work of Flemish and German craftsmen, Florentine smiths preserved all the while a reticence, and a dignity, quite in accord with their natural temperament The fifteenth century saw the art of working in metals brought to its highest pitch. The great sculptors were wont to employ the services of smiths in forging and casting their splendid works in bronze. Quite an army of intelligent artificers were busy at' metal doors and gates for the Baptistery and the Duomo — the precious creations for all time of the Pisani, L. Ghiberti, and Luca Delia Robbia. Other skilled members of the Guild assisted Donatello, Verrocchio, Giovanni da Bologna, and Benvenuto Cellini, to produce the chefs (Tceuvre which bear their names. Men of the forge and of the bellows, men of the anvil and the hammer, men GUILD OF BLACKSMITHS 313 of the soldering-iron and smoothing-file, all worked as Florentines always worked, diligently and with intelligence. Combinations of wrought-iron work, with brass and bronze, were Tuscan in origin. Endless objects come under this category : — Sockets, Shields of Guild Arms, Tavern-signs, Font-covers, Read- ing-desks, Candelabra, Knockers for doors, Gai^oyles, Weather- vanes, Architectural ornaments, and articles for domestic use, together with workmen's tools — ^which were never wholly free from decorative attributes. The iron fixtures — brackets and rings — attached to the walls of Palaces and elsewhere, were designed to hold torches. They were provided with iron rings for athletic torch-bearers to cling to as they fixed their flaming trophies in the sockets. They were also used to support banner-poles at festivals. They evidence art adaptability to common objects. Fan-lights, balcony rails, fire-backs and dogs, frame-work of all kinds, and many other objects, which required strength, as well as elegance, formed another category. Once more the smiths went to the " Masters of Stone and Wood," and sought their models and patterns in floors, wall panels, and ceiling groinings, in inUirsta- tura or mosaic Among curiosities of the Blacksmith's Craft were the iron tongs used for stamping the Festival cakes of the Guilds, consumed upon St John Baptist's Day and upon the anniversaries of the Guilds. The impressions produced were efiigies of Saints or Guild emblems : for example, the Blacksmith's cakes showed a hammer embossed in the centre, the Butchers had a cow, or a ram, and so on. In their work Smiths wore thick and heavy leather aprons, which they could tie tightly round their legs, by strands of leather cut from the same piece. The whole outfit of a blacksmith, in the way of tools, cost about a gold florin, or about twelve shillings of our money. The sixteenth century presents the Smiths of Florence revelling in the excellences and refinements of their Craft. Each workman was an artist, able to work from any design submitted to him, or to 814 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE create original and beautiful objects on the spur of the moment Two especial lines of superior manipulation in metal were portrait medallions, and historical plaques and bronzes. Those whose fame among workers in metal is most widely diffused were:— Niccolo Fiorentino, Giamgallo Poggini, Bertoldo, Petrellino, Niccolo Domenico, Antonio del Pollaiuolo, Andrea Guazzoloti of Prato, Domenico Pc^gini, Antonio Averlino, Michelozzo Michel- ozzi, and, last but not least, Donatello, whose dates range from 1460 to 1557. Nothing can exceed, in any school or nation, the delicacy, naturalness, brilliancy of composition, and high finish of the works of these " Masters of metal." Examples of their skill may be seen in every Archaeological and Art Museum, but none is so rich as the Bargello in Florence. Many names of scions of famous noble families were enrolled upon the annals of the " Guild of Blacksmiths." To mention one among the many, the Acciaiuoli, manufacturers of steel, — as their name implies, — who came from Brescia in the year 11 60, and rose to high estate. After the banking disasters in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries Niccolo raised once more the honour of his house, whilst he ruled the kingdom of Naples. He married the widowed Empress of Constantinople, built the Certosa near the Porta Romana, and founded a School of Liberal Arts for studious apprentices. III. L'Arte de' Calozlai In every land foot-wear, both useful and ornamental, plays an important r61e. Protection during working hours, and decoration in times of leisure, are alike necessary and attractive. As to who first wore coverings on the feet nobody knows, and probably nobody cares ; but no age, and no nation, has ever been without them. Every conceivable material, — natural and manu- factured,— has been laid under contribution, and man's skill has been called forth throughout all time in adaptive measures. A STUDY IN BOOTS AND SHOES. THE BARGELLO [the figure below the STEl* KEl'KESENTS CIMAUUKJ GUILD OF SHOEMAKERS 315 Leather has always been the ideal material for boots and shoes of all kinds : strong, impervious, yielding to pressure, and cleanly, it has outrun all other competitors. The making of foot-wear has also enriched countless artists of the last, whilst the vagaries of Dame Fashion have called forth artistic workmanship, and added to the joys and sorrows of human life. Early in the Middle Ages Tuscan leather was famous, and before the Renaissance, Florentine shoemakers had made themselves a name, and had acquired riches. A document exists in the Archives of the City, which records that, in the year 1139, ^^^ ^Johannes filius Petri qui vacatur CalsolariuSy bestowed a bene- faction upon the SpedaU di Calzolai^ in the Val di Pesa, near Florence." Very little can be gathered from the Archives of the City of the inception and progress of the Shoemakers' Guild. The earlier codes of Statutes have perished and the later records are either very fragmentary, or written in an abbreviated and illegible manner, and in a tongue not understood of ordinary readers and students, — partly Latin, partly vernacular. At first sight the "Guild of Tanners" should have occupied the place in the Hierarchy of the Guilds which is filled by the Shoe- makers, both on account of the more general character of its interests, and of the social importance of its members. The earliest notices in the Archives of persons working in the trade of shoemaking are as follows : — " 1087, Rusticus — CcUzolarius — Shoemaker." " III 3. Johannes — Zocolarius — Wooden-clog maker." In the first List of the Guilds — that of 1236, the ''Arte d£ CalzolaV^ is placed ninth in order. This position was maintained at the revision of the Statues of all the Guilds in 1266, 1282, and 1 301-1309, but in 141 5 the "Guild of Blacksmiths" was raised over the head of the Shoemakers, then relegated to the tenth step in the Guild ladder. This was the final position of the Guild. When Cosimo de' Medici, in 1534, grouped the Fourteen Lesser Guilds in four "Universities," the Second was styled 316 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE '^Universita di Maestri di Cuoiame'^ and included the three Guilds of Shoemakers, Tanners and Saddlers in due order. The number of Consuls varied between three and six. This was a common feature in relation to the Chief Officers of the Guilds generally, and probably was due to the nature of the business which from time to time engaged the attention of the Consuls in General Council. Their Residence was in the Chiasso de' Baronelli, nearly next door to that of the Consuls of the "Guild of Skin- ners and Furriers." The Arms of the Guild were dis- played there, as well as on the GanfatofiydXid con- sisted of alternate stripes of red and white. The Matricula- tion-fee was very low, almost the lowest of any such payments made for Guild-membership. Under the year 1 290 the Archives of Florence record that one " Ricchus Borredicti, a shoemaker of the PopoU di San Giorgio^ Syndic of the Guild, received forty soldi a head for the entrance of new members. There appear to have been several divisions of craftsmen under the Guild rules : — i. Caholai — Shoemakers, 2. Zocc€Uai — Wooden shoe-makers, 3. Zoccholi — Sandal-makers, and 4. Ciabattini —Cobblers, an inferior class. The first three had shops and stores in or near the Mercato Vecchio, whilst the last were allowed work- ing room, either in the open market, or in some of the basements of the houses.^ In the time of G. Villani the number of craftsmen * Prow. X. 7. SHOBMAKBR*S SHOP. FIFTBBNTH CBNTURY. GUILD OF SHOEMAKERS 317 was considerable : he has placed on record that, in 1 299, there were as many as three hundred shoemakers' shops and cobblers stalls in Florence. The Statutes of 141 5 contain the following rubrics: — "Shoe- makers, slipper-makers, and any other persons selling fine skins or cuttings or any kind of leather, are warned not to offer common dressed goatskins for Spanish morocco, and not to pas^ off inferior leathers for better qualities. Eighty soldi were exacted, by way of fine, in each case of substitution." ^ " Shoemakers are forbidden to open their shops, and to keep their assistants at work, on Sundays and Fjsstivals. The Consuls of the Guild are required to make all Masters of the craft swear to observe this r^ulation, subject to a penalty of one hundred lire for each offence.* To avoid unfair rivalry and trade disputes with the ''Guild of Tanners," Shoemakers, and all members of their Guild, are strictly ordered not to dress, or cause to be dressed, upon their premises horse skins and cattle hides." ' " Sandal and clc^-makers seem to have been rather a vagabond set of fellows, for, in one of the Rubrics, there is an amusing caution to Shoemakers and other respectable members of the Guild not to harbour any such wandering personages. No chests, coffers, boxes, and trunks, were to be left unlocked and open least any poor fellow should hide therein. The object no doubt was to prevent Masters profiting by the illicit work of unrecognised workmen. Perhaps, even with all the elaborate rules and regula- tions which favoured honourable trading, inferior operatives were subject to " sweating." * " Leather shoes are not to be sold if made of horse and goat skin mixed, and advertised as of horse only. Thigh pieces of armour may be lined with goat-skin, and kid is permissible as a decorative addition to shoes and footwear generally." * The importance of the Guild was recognised in 1282 by Cardinal Latino, who called into consultation about the peace » Rub. Ixxiii., 1415- * R«^- *»«•» HIS- * R«^ !««»•» »4I5- « Rub. Ixxxli., 1415. 'Rub. bcxxiii., 1415. 818 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE between the Ghibellines and Guelphs, its Capitudini or Consuls, along with the heads of the Twelve Greater Guilds. In December 1292, the Heads or Consuls of the Arte tU Calzolai took part in the deliberations of the Consuls of the Seven Greater Guilds, and again in December 1293 ^^^ the Consuls of the Twelve Greater Guilds,^ That the dignity of the Guild and its Consuls was on a par with that of the other Trade Corporations, is proved by the appoint- ment in 1 301, of Benedetto da Carlona, a Sandal-maker, as one of the Priors of the Sestiere of San Spirito. On the other hand the financial position of the Guild was inferior, and in 1321, when a pro rata tax was levied upon the Guilds, the sum required from the " Shoemakers " was only one hundred lire^ as against two thousand gold florins contributed by the " Guild of Wool," and fifty gold florins by the " Guild of Carpenters." The Zibaldoni^ and other private records, are singularly deficient in notices of the " Guild of Shoemakers." It is how- ever narrated that one of its members made his name famous at the siege of Capraia in 1249, when the Guelphs were besieged by the Emperor Frederic II. Going to the gates of the town Giovanni del Tosco, who had been one of the ancients and was a man of wealth and influence, shouted that the place could only hold out for one day. This disheartened the besi^ed so greatly that they surrendered at discretion. Two years after del Tosco paid for his treachery. He entered Florence among other return- ing exiles, but being recognised he was stoned to death by the people, and his body was cast into the moat ! The kinds of footwear most in vogue would appear to have been high boots or leggings, — ^used by the market people and working men generally, Galosce, — a kind of pattern, — made of stout leather with wooden soles, — Charlemagne is said to have worn such shoes when he visited Florence, — and Borsacchini* buskins, so-called from the particular kind of leather used — soft, » " Lc Con&ulte," ii. 228, 396. GUILD OF SHOEMAKERS 319 1, and pliable, and worn generally by Judges and the Clergy, litary boots and strong riding gauntlets were also in the evince of the Shoemakers. It does not appear that the Guild undertook other objects, All or ornamental, in leather, but confined the attentions of members to the supply of all kinds of stout and elegant iderstandings." I. '' SUmma lUlC Arte iU FabM:' Black tongs in a white field, a gold florin in corner 2. '* Stemma delt Arte d^ CaltOtU:' Two red stripes upon a white field Chapter XI THE GUILDS OF MASTERS OF STONE AND WOOD, AND OF RETAIL CLOTH-DEALERS AND UNEN MANUFACTURERS. LE ARTI D^ MAESTRI DI PIETRA E DI LEGNAME, E DB RIGATTIERI I. MASTERS OF STONE AND WOOD I. Origin.— The great Comacine Guild. Freemasons. Ambulatory lodges. Grandi and artisans. Early workers in stone and wood. The Florentine Lodge. Schola^ Labarerum^ and Opera FabMctu Guild Style first used. II. Constitution.— Architects, Scaffold-builders, Masons, Bricklayers. Bricks and Kilns. Workers in Wood. Wages. Good Native Stone. Fine Native Timber. III. Development.— The Duomo. Francesco Talenti. AmoUb di Cambio. Giotta Orcagna. Brundlesco. ''An Idle Fellow I" Disputes. ''Rustic" Style. True Version of Columbus and the Egg. Immense Building Operations. Street Laying. Ctrcduolu Gem-engraving. Fine Ceilings. Leon Battista Alberti. Lorenzo Ghiberti. Luca Delia Robbia. Donatella Florentine influence in Europe. Leonardo da Vinci. Michael Angelo Baonarroti. Torrigiano. " Those beasts the English I " Siege of Florence. A note on Pottery. II. RETAIL CLOTH-DEALERS AND LINEN MANUFACTURERS (Two Branches of QvaX^—RigattUri and UnaiuoU^ I. RiGATTiERi. — Early Tailors, Linen-makers, and Hawkers. An Associa- tion of retail tradesmen. A "Sandwich" Guild. Codex Membranaceo Consuls unable to sign their names I What might, and might not, be sold in shops of the Guild. Fraudulent tradesmen. Fines. Taxes. Prices, etc II. LiNAiuOLi. — Early use of Linen. Monasteries. Methods of Cultivation of Flax. Processes. Regulations. Fees. Vediiari delU Coltrici. Surveyors. Valuers. Agents. Official stamps. Localities of numufacture. Sales. Church vestments. Women-workers. Scolpi-^tAct. Prosperous Guildsmen. Urn- versita dd Unaiuolu I. UArte de' Maestri di Pietra e di Legname IN any book dealing with the subject of Guilds it is quite impossible to overlook that great oi^ranisation of the Early Middle Ages — ^**The Guild of Comacine Masters." The origin 3«> MASTERS OF STONE AND WOOD 321 of this Confraternity is lost in antiquity : probably it was a survival of ancient Jewish and Egyptian times.^ Fugitive craftsmen from all parts of Italy, driven from their homes and craft by the invading barbarians, sought refuge upon the little islet of Comacina in the lake of Como, and the Lombard chieftains extended to them protection and patronage. The settlement became known as the Casari or Casarii — chouse-builders. Muratori first discovered traces of its existence in an edict of November 22, 643, signed by King Rotharis the Lombard, which makes mention of "^ Magistri ComadnV^ as being designers and superintendents of buildings and builders, and whom we may class together under the term architects. These Master-builders, evidences of whose creative skill are scattered all over Italy, had in 590 formed themselves, for mutual protection and advancement, into a vast University but with no Central College or Residence. According to their motto, their " Temple was made without hands." " The old Records," writes a quaint and sententious writer,* " of Masons afford lai^e hints of their Lodges from the beginning of the world in polite nations. . . . Masons were ever the favourites of the Eminent, and became necessary for their grand under- takings in any sort of materials, not only in stone, brick, timber, plaister, but even in cloth or skins, or whatever was used for tents, and for all sorts of Architecture. . . . Painters also and Statuaries were always reckoned good Masons as much as Builders, Stone- cutters, Bricklayers, Carpenters, joiners. Upholsterers, or Tent- makers." Two early patrons of the Comacine builders were Queen Theodolinda, who in 737 instructed them to draw plans for, and pnxreed with, the erection of the Cathedral of Monza, and Saint Calixtus, to whom the Cathedral of Friuli is due. Lodges of this Order were ambulatory. Wherever fine buildings were required, — and all that were erected between the years 800 1 Leader Scott, "The Cathedral Builders," p. lo. *Desagalier, " Constitutions of the Free Masons." 822 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE and looo A.D. were the handiwork of the Comacine Masters, — there were established: i. Schokt — ^Schools for novices; 2. a Laborerum — Shop for workmen ; and 3. an Opera fabbriai — Office for architects.^ ^ The operatives employed by the Guild were of two classes — murarii — ^builders, and operarii — ^labourers. The Senior Master-builder was styled Capo Maestro^ and he had for assistants two or more Soprastantiy who were charged with the drafting of specifications, etc, and with the monetary affairs of the members respectively. Thus all the machinery required for a regularly constituted guild of craftsmen was ready to hand, and at an early date the Comacine Masters were recognised as members of a worldwide Order of Freemasons.' Members of these Lodges, of every d^ree, were treated as belonging to a privileged class, and were excused local military service : they enjoyed too, liberty of travel and freedom of employment. The term "Freemason," as applied to Master-builders, ap- pears first in manuscripts of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, wherein " Sculptores lapidum liberorum " and " Latonii vacoH fremacconi*^ are used indiscriminatingly for workers in freestone. Master workers in stone and wood, originally, came under the designation of Freemasons, and were regarded as a class apart from ordinary stone masons and working carpenters. Matriculation made all the difference in the world between master and man. Hence in Florence the Intermediate '* Guild of Masters in Stone and Wood " was named with absolute fitness to fact and custom. The actual work of a " Maestro di Pietra " was in virgin stone, — freestone, — not in marble. There was a clear distinction be- tween a worker in " lapis Uberl' and a worker in " saxum vivum " — the former was a simple stone-mason, the latter a skilled sculptor, or " Maestro'' 1 Ossia Libri Muralori, " Gli Instituzioni, Riti e Ceremonie dell' Online de' Fimncs Mafons." ^ C Guasti ** SanU Maria del Fiore." MASTERS OF STONE AND WOOD 323 With respect to workers in wood, ^\Maestro di Legname** was one who could construct scaffolds and build roofs, whilst ^^Maestro cC Intaglio** was a carver or inlayer of wood. This division into four classes of craftsmen was complemented by a fifth, entitled ^'Maestri del Disegno** — "Masters of Design," or " Architects." Every ambulatory " Lodge " or stationary " Temple " of the Guild or Order was manned by representatives of each of these sorts of workmen, and the longer the works lasted so much more permanent did the terms and conditions become which controlled and directed building operations. One such permanent centre was established in the thirteenth century in Florence, where stupendous undertakings were in, hand. Probably the Craft of stone-cutting and wood-working was the earliest trade corporation in Florence in the Middle Ages. Under Charlemagfne, who repeatedly visited Florence, the industry developed steadily, and, in the reign of Lothair it became pros- perous throughout Tuscany.^ During the period, when was gradually built up the Prima Popolo^ or middle class — wherein were united nobles and mer- chants,— another alliance was cemented, that of outcast sons of ruined Grandi and working artisans. Descended from a race of robber captains, many a lad had to put his family pride in his pocket and to throw in his lot with honest craftsmen rather than beg his bread. Trained to follow in the ranks of the Condottieri^ — leaders of mercenary troops, — implements of toil came as handy as instruments of warfare. The two callings which appealed most to these men were those of stone-mason and wood-worker ; and this is evident on glancing over the Matriculation Registers of the Guild, wherein names of ancient noble families appear over and over again. It is almost impossible to give the exact date when the Florentine Lodge of Freemasons, or Master , Builders of the great Comacine Guild, was merged in the ^' Arte de* Maestri di Pietra 1 Mnratori, ** Antichite Italiane," Dis. 75, torn. vi. Col. 455. 324 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE e di Legnamer The use of the word " Lodge " comes from the custom of holding meetings of brethren in the " Lc^gie " or porticoes of houses. The first mention in the Archives of Florence of Master-builders, — masons or wood-workers, — is under the year 1038, when ^^Johannis qui tomario vocaius esV^ — a wood-turner — is named. In 1094 appears the first record of a stone-mason as follows : — " Baldus (?) curtis de Marmortoy Doubtless they had many fellow-craftsmen. All through the eleventh and twelfth centuries the SchoUB^ the Laborerutn^ and the Opera FeUfbrica^ were administered under constantly improving auspices and equipment The SchoUe^ whilst giving primary attention to the great elements of construction, gradually placed their pupils in possession of the technicalities of architecture, sculpture, and even painting. Sons and nephews of Masters were entitled to enrolment without any novitiate as by hereditary right, but outsiders were subjected to a severe preparatory course. Certain Masters were appointed to teach pupils and apprentices privately in their own studios as well as in the public work of the Schoke. These teachers were chosen from among the most distinguished of those who had passed through the Laborerum, The Laborerum^ or shop for workmen, afforded oppK>rtunities for employment to every matriculated and approved member who was not yet advanced to the dignity of Master. Such men were called ^^fratres** in the old manuscripts, and were, so to speak^ the graduates of the University. A successfiil course in the Laborerum opened out the way to commissions and renown. Here it was that genius had full play, and brotherly rivalry led to glorious results. The Opera Fabbrica, Office of Works, was the headquarters of the Master-builders. There all plans, specifications, estimates^ etc. etc, were prepared and exhibited. Contra^cts were signed between patron and builder. Earnest money was paid over. R^istration of workpeople and their allocation to the various operations were undertaken. Communications between the Opera MASTKRS OF STONE AND WOOD GIVING EVIDENCE OF SKILL IN THEIR CRAFTS BEFORE THE CONSUL OF THE GUILD FOUKTEENTH CENTUKV MASTERS OF STONE AND WOOD 325 and the Labarerum were carried on by a Proweditore specially appointed, and contracts were signed in presence of a Notary. In the early years of the thirteenth century separate associations appear, from time to time, in the public records, for example : — ^** Maestri dellAscia " — " Master Wood-cutters," *" Maestri di Muratari'' — "Master-bricklayers," and "" Maestri d' Architetti'' — " Architects." In the classification of the Guilds in 1236 and 1266, '' Mura- tori e ScarpeUinV^ — "Bricklayers and Stone-masons," come tenth on the list, and this was the earliest designation of the Guild of Master-builders in Florence. The style " Maestri di Pietra e di Legname " was first used in 1282, but the origin of it must be sought in the year 1260. Jacopino Rangoni da Modena was then Podesta of Florence, and he undertook energetic measures in preparation for the war with Siena. Twelve Captains of War were chosen — two for each sestiere^ or quarter of the city — to raise companies of cavalry and infantry. Of these companies two were made up of men accustomed to the use of picks, axes, saws, planes, and other similar tools ; and to them was assigned the name of ^^ Maestri di Pietra e di Legname'^ They formed the van of the city companies — the place of conflict and honour. At the revision of the Statutes and Bye-laws, of all the Guilds, in 1282, and 1 301-1309, these companies retained their military organisation, and united to it the system of industrial incorpora- tion. They thus became a powerful and enterprising order in the Hierarchy of the Guilds. A further honour was bestowed upon the Guild in 1293 by Giano della Bella. Just before vacating the office of Prior, he carried through the State Council a Prawisione augmenting the personal guard of the Chief Magistrate to the number of one thousand. He called upon the Consuls of the '' Guild of Stone- masons and Wood- workers " "to provide the first, or leading, company of two hundred men, fifty of whom were to be armed 826 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE with heavy picks." Of course all these military levies were made up of operative stone-masons and wood-workers — ^not of Master- builders. Of the latter, Villani records, there were, at the begin- ning of the year 1299, not less than one hundred and forty-six holding the license of the Guild, and directing the labours of upwards of two thousand working stone-masons and wood-workers. Certain of them, moreover, were put over the foreign workmen who thronged the city and besieged the officials of the Guild for work. Renaissance Masters, — whether designers or architects, scaffold or roof projectors, stone-masons or bricklayers, sculptors or carvers, — ^were the lineal descendants of time-old- hewers of wood and cutters of stone. Hence a natural and hereditary trait became apparent in the plays and pastimes of their children. Quite little mites set about the building of palaces and churches in miniature, with all the zest of their parents and big brothers. Every Chiasso and Cortile became, for the nonce, a brickfield and a masons' yard ; whilst many an embryo " master " displayed his dexterity and constructiveness in mud, sand, and shavings ! The Consuls of the Guild are named as taking part in the negotiations instituted, in 1280, by Cardinal Latino dei Frangi- pani, acting as Papal Legate, for the purpose of reconciling the Guelphs and the Ghibellines. They, together with the Consuls of the Guilds of " Calimala:' " Wool," " Bankers " and " Money- changers," « Skinners and Furriers," and " Retail Cloth Dealers," were not favourable to the negotiations, and nothing was done, except to augment still more the power of the Parte Guelfa. The number of Consuls, in the thirteenth and fourteenth cen- turies, seems to have been three ; at all events that number is named, as in attendance, at the combined conferences of the Twelve Greater Guilds. Undoubtedly they exercised the same functions as the Comacine Capo Maestro; and, for assistants, they also had two Soprastanti^ who bore the titles of ^' Cancelliere " and ** Canurlingo " — like their brother officials in the other Guilds. It would fill a biggish volume to reproduce all the regulations. MASTERS OF STONE AND WOOD 827 cautions, and notices which were, from time to time, issued for the better ordering and discipline of the craftsmen. One example will suffice. On June of 1456, the Praweditore put out the following notice : — ^" It i» desired that on no account shall any Master go to work outside the Opera^ without the deliberation and consent of all four Operai. If any absent himself without this permission, he shall be considered as dischai^ed." ^ The office of Prowediiore was no sinecure, by reason of the constant differences between masters and men ; but he had by way of assessors two Buonuomini^ who acted as arbitrators in trade disputes, and also as auditors of the accounts of the Guild. When " Masters " were dissatisfied with their salaries, — for all commissions were undertaken in the name of the Guild and were not matters of personal or direct payment by patrons to the actual worker, — or when workmen refused to work, it was the custom to call in the assistance of independent people. For example, in the Opera del Duomo — the cathedral building, all disagreements came before the Consuls and Council of the " Guild of Wool," which was charged with the various undertakings. They called for the estimates, and for reports of progress, and, after prolonged dis- cussion, the matter was usually settled by compromise, fixing averages of price and time. In questions which affected the internal working of the Guild the members of the Opera Fabbrica and the instructors of the Laborerum formed a deliberative Council. All Masters were bound by contract to the Laborerum. Sometimes payment was by the day ; at other times piece work was agreed for. Very many men, — skilled and unskilled, — were, of course, employed from time to time in the vast building contracts under- taken by the Guild. These men were not enrolled on the Craft- major, but were incorporated in trade-unions or associations during the continuance of the works, each under its own special officers and r^ulations ; but all subordinated to the Guild proper. What working members of the Guild looked like in. the ^ Anhivio delF Opera del Ditamo^ Csesare Guasto's abstracts. 328 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE fifteenth century may be seen in the woodcut of the Knyghts Paune in Jacopo de CessoH's Guioccho delle Scacchu He says : — " The seconde paune y' standeth to fore the Knyght on the right side of the Kynge hath the forme and figure of a man as a Smyth. And that is reson For it apperteyneth to ye knyghtes to have bridellys, sadellys, spores and many other thynges made by the MASTERS IN STONB, WOOD, AND MBTAL— " DB FABRI B DB MAESTRI.' FIFTBBNTH CENTURY handes of smythes and ought to hold a hamer with his right hand and in his lyfte hande a dolabre and he ought to have in his gyrdell a trowell for by this is sygnefied all manner of worke- men as goldsmiths, marchallis, smithes of all forges, forgers and makers of monoye. . . . The carpenters ben signefyed by the dolabre or squyer and by the trowell we understand all masons and kervars of stones and all them that make howses, castels and tours." The Council of the Guild also held periodical discussions upon designs, methods, materials, etc etc. for public works ; and ex- MASTERS OF STONE AND WOOD 329 perts were employed to examine every branch of the various undertakings. When Francesco Talenti was Capo Maestro many meetings were held to settle matters of detail In June 1553 one such meeting ordered the removal of the scaffolding from the new Baptistery. In August of the same year scale models in wood of the Campanile were ordered to be made, to judge of dimensions and decorative features. The following month found the ** Masters *' anxious about the financial position of the Guild. A Notary was appointed to press the Signoria for the payment of one hundred and fifty lire due to the Guild ; and further to consult with the ^' Regolatori" — perhaps "auditors" and the captains of the Misericordia with respect to the settlement of certain legacies under the wills of deceased members of the Guild.i At another meeting in the following year, the free supply of wine to master-builders, architects when engaged in operations, was docked off owing to the lowness of the Guild funds 1 At the recension of the Constitutions of the various Guilds in 1415 the " Guild of Masters of Stone and Wood " came in for its share of amendment Many Rubrics were passed affecting opera- tives, etc. Paviors, brick-kiln men, masters of stone and wood, and labourers were bound to make and keep strictly accurate measure- ments of quantity, and to maintain an even quality in their work. Surveyors were appointed to examine and test all deliveries of stone and brick, and to inspect thoroughly each stage of building operations. Inferiority of material, and inefficiency of workman- ship, were visited with prompt punishment The surveyors were themselves visited with pains and penalties if they performed their duties merely in a perfunctory manner ; indeed they were liable to expulsion from membership in the Guild.' Paviors and workers in stone and wood were forbidden to * C Gnasto, "Opere del Daomo in Firenrc.*' ^ Statuti Pop. et Com Florentiae, 141 5 ; Rub. Ivil 330 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE have direct dealings with dealers in paving stones. They were constrained to work for their masters alone, and with materials provided by their masters.^ Kiln-men and brickmakers generally were admonished to pack their kilns with lime of the best quality only, and to see to it that the bricks they burnt were free from blemishes, and well and truly shaped, according to the customary standards. Each brick had to be stamped on all four sides with the arms of Florence, and the sides had to measure exactly four times the size of the ends. The ends were required to be evenly finished so that joinings could be made as neatly and closely as possible. Tiles, troughs, and edging squares followed in the same category. Wall measurements were taken with an iron yard-measure, the exact length of the " Ca/imala " canna. Clay-fields and lime works were under direct State supervision. Rents and percentages were paid for the right of working, and State imposts were made at the Gates upon loads of bricks and tiles, which went under the names of maitonif mezzane^ tegoU^ ptanelle^ quadruccht, according to shape and purpose.^ Strict regulations were in force with respect to the situation and dimensions of the brick-kilns. All such erections were required to be beyond the three-mile radius of the old Contado^ and were not to exceed a height of nine braccia — arm's-length.' The price of bricks per thousand, and the scale of wages per week, were settled from time to time by the Consuls of the " Guild of Masters in Stone and Wood " ; and the values were exposed in all brickfields and workshops of the city.^ By the Statutes of 1415, precise regulations were laid down with respect to timber. Stocks of wood were not allowed to be kept merely for sale through brokers. The quantity permitted in the workshops was in strict proportion to the work in hand. Masters in wood, and their apprentices, were required to work only in timber which bore the stamp of the Guild. Much greater > Rnb. Iviii., 14 15. * Rab. lix., 141 5. * Rnb. Iz., 1415. * Rub. bcv., IxtL, 141 ROAD-MAKING AND gUARRVING HKTKKNTH CKNTLKY MASTERS OF STONE AND WOOD 331 liberty was extended to foreign workers, although they were required to be affiliated to the Guild, and to submit to the ruling of the Consuls. Inducements were held out especially to Lom- bardian workmen, who were housed free of rent for a time, and were permitted to bring in their tools and implements free of custom dues.^ The wages of an ordinary stone-mason or bricklayer were one lira a day, with half a lira for his labourer. A carpenter's mean wage was the same. These amounts compared favourably with the wages of agricultural labourers, who could rarely earn more than ten soldi a day. The Residence of the Consuls was in the Chiasso di Baronelli, not far from the Loggia de' Lanzi. Over its portals were sculptured the arms of the Guild, which of course were also blazoned upon its banner — a white axe upon a red field. In the neighbourhood of Florence two or three kinds of stone were easily accessible. 1. Pietra forte — a durable sandstone with calcareous in- gredients— excellent for building purposes and for paving, but found generally in small pieces only. The most used quarry was at Camfora outside the Porta Romana. 2. Pietra serena — or Macigno^ — ^a siliceous sandstone of a dark grey or bluish-black colour, with singular black patches, which assumes, in course of time, a bronzy hue. Benvenuto Cellini says this stone is found in the hilly country round Florence — especially at Settignano, Signa, Montelupo and Fiesole. " It is," he adds, '* marked by beauty and fineness of texture, and is easily worked ; but, as it does not resist water nor stand open - air exposure, it is best suited for inside work and statuary under cover." 3. Pietra tnorta is also mentioned by Cellini, who praises its rich tan colour, and its softness and ease in chiselling. It with- * Rub. Ixvii., Izviii., 141 5. 332 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE stands winds and rains and every action of time, and is excellent for ornamental work and for the frames of windows and doors. " There is," says Sir Richard Dallir^on, " digged out of the Tuscan hills a kinde of freestone, passing hard, of colour — accord- ing to the nature of its place wherein it is taken — ^white, red and black, of all of which there are in Florence many very gallante and stately palaces. They have also in many places pits of marble — ^white, blue and parti-coloured excellently good." The old chronicler speaks too of the well paved streets, **long and straighte and wide and fair laid with hastia^^ — broad setts — "so as no weather fouls them." ^ Statuary marble came chiefly from Massa and Carrara, but Michael Angelo, at the instance of Pope Julius II., worked also in marble from Seravezza, The prospecting, quarrying, and trans- porting of the huge blocks which were required by the Masters of stone in Florence, called forth big inventive faculties and great engineering abilities on the part of the members of the Guild. Rare marbles too for the enrichment of monuments, and for use in mosaic work, were imported from far and wide. Very many costly examples came directly from Rome — ^the ancient " Marmorata " being the marble emporium of the world. With respect to the timber needed for scaffolding and build- ing generally, and the finer woods used in decorative work, there was no difficulty about supply. The Vale of Amo was an arboretum of trees of all kinds, Pines, oaks, elms, and planes furnished the builders, and walnuts, ashes, briars, and many an- other, the carvers with all that they required. Plantations too of useful trees were constantly made by the sapient rulers of the city to replenish garnered plots. In 1534, for example, Duke Alexander converted river-mud and sandbanks into the um- brageous Casciney and he and his successors planted many a poderCy — farm lands — with trees and shrubs. Amolfo di Cambio, bom in 1232, was a native of Colle di Val d'Elsa and was the first great Master-builder of the Floren- ^ " Survey of the Great Duke's Estate.*' MASTERS OF STONE AND WOOD 333 tine Guild. He must not be confused with Amolfo di Lapor or with Amolfo Fiorentino — both of whom were sculptors of the School of the Pisani.* Di Cambio's training, of which we have few records, was pro- bably carried out at Siena, with, perhaps, a chance visit to Pisa, and to Niccola Pisano there. His father, — ^Jacopo Tedesco da Campione or di Cambio, — ^had, in a sense, exercised the office of Capo Maestro of the Florentine Guild, and had, in 1258, built the Bargello. Thirty years later Amolfo became the architect of the Church of Santa Croce.* Amolfo's fame, however, rests mainly upon his work at Santa Maria del Fiore, where he acted as chief architect and builder from 1294 up to the day of his death in 13 10.' The Palazzo Vecchio also looks to him as its creator. It was indeed a tour de force which incorporated the old tower of the Foraboschi, called later the Torre della Vacca, and crowned it with its crenelated mural cap! An entry in the " Archives " records the grant by the State, in 1 300, of certain privil^es, — freedom from taxation and a seat in the Signoria, — " for his industry, his experience, and his talent." He is styled : — " Caput Magister laborerii et operis ecclesia beate ReparateP^ A special feature of his manner was the use of panels or slabs of variously coloured marble, an example followed by all his successors. From 1340 to 1348 Giotto was Cafio Maestro and Consul of the Guild. For his glorious Campanile four Master-masons were sent in 1350 to Carrara to buy marble. Other famous Master-builders and Consuls were Taddeo Gaddi, who rebuilt the Ponte alia Carraia in 1337, and prepared plans for the new Ponte Vecchio and Ponte alia Santa Trinita ; and Andrea Orcagna, who built the shrine of Or San Michele and the pillars of Santa Maria del Fiore. » Crowe and Cavalcasellc, «• History of Painting in Italy," vol. 1. p. lay. * Gaye " Carteggio inedite," vol. i. p. 445. ' *' Archivio tUl Duomo—Antica Necrolcgia di Santa Reparata" Carta 12. * ProvT., No. X., p. 235. 334 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE The Registers of the Guild contain the names and commissions of many Master-builders right down to the year 141 8. Among them, Simone Giovanni del Pino who in 1 363 carved the twisted columns of red marble in the windows of the Duomo ; Taddeo Ristori, — one of the Cione family, — the architect, in 1 3 36, of Or San Michele and of the Loggia de' Lanzi ; and Giovanni Stefani, in 1 38 1, a noted builder of scaffolding and a specialist in foundation work. In 1349 the Ringhiera — Speaker's Tribune — was erected outside the Palazzo Vecchio by Brother Lorenzo, at a cost of one thousand gold florins. Ten years later the plans for the fa9ade of the Duomo were made public. They were the joint production of the following members of the Guild : — Neri di Fioravante, Benci di Cione, Francesco Salvetti, Niccolo Tommasi, who, with Taddeo Gaddi and Andrea Orcagna, formed a Special Commission for the purpose. All these we may suppose were serious and able Architects and Master-builders, but in 141 8 we have a record of one Piero d' Antonio, who, although elected a Consul and Capo Maestro^ was nicknamed *' FannuUdne " — Brag- gart, or idle fellow ! Six Master-builders competed in 14 18 for the erection of the dome of the Cathedral ; among them were Nanni di Banco, Lorenzo Ghiberti and Donatello. None of them were, however, successful, and the commission was given to Filippo Brunellesco, who, by the way, was not a member of the Guild. He had been matriculated in the ^^Arte delta Seta*' in 1398, and later, in 1404, had enrolled himself a member of the new ^^ Arte degli Orafi'* — " Guild of Goldsmiths," — ^which was a subordinate corporation of the greater Guild of Silk. The selection of Brunellesco to build the cupola, and also, in 1434, to complete the lantern, gave great offence to the " Masters of Stone and Wood." They insisted upon his matriculation in their Guild, but, to show that a man need not be a Freemason to build a church, Brunellesco ignored their protests, and never paid his fees ! This led to an amusing, but irritating, process at 0^ O H U c/) o MASTERS OF STONE AND WOOD 335 law — the Masters of the Laborerutn sued him for debt and the successful architect was imprisoned ! The oflfender's caus^ was nevertheless championed not only by the " Par Santa Maria'' but also by the " Guild of Wool," — ^the former doubtless on account of his membership therein, and the latter probably from its steward- ship of the Cathedral works, — and he was released, whilst a scape- goat was found in an unfortunate, but nameless, member of the ** Guild of Masters of Stone and Wood," who was pitched without trial into Brunellesco's cell upon a trumped-up charge of being an idle fellow! The story of Columbus and the egg may be, with far more probability, ascribed to Brunellesco in relation to the famous dome of the Duomo. The art of building a cupola like that of the Roman Pantheon had been lost, and Brunellesco re- created it None of the scientists consulted by the authorities could do it, but he proposed that the man who could make an egg stand upright upon a flat base should be chosen as architect. With a gentle tap he broke m one end and thus easily set it up upon the slab! Of Brunellesco's achievement the familiar Tuscan proverb is applicable : — " Piu rondo che di I *0 Giotto " — " Rounder than the O of Giotto " — anything more perfect is impossible. Indeed the reverberation of sounds is extraordinary. No echo is discernible, but words and music appear to be carried up through the lantern and never return s^ain ! The erection of the cupola put the builders of scaffolding upon their mettle. The whole city seems to have taken the matter in hand, for public meetings were held whereat all were asked to give expression to their opinions. Models in brick, plaster and wood were projected to scale with and without scaffolding. Very ingenious plans were devised for the hoisting up of heavy material, among others by Antonio da Vercelli — a leading Maestro di kgno. The workmen were kept at their giddy posts all day to avoid the loss of time in descending and ascend- ing for their mid-day jneal. For their accommodation, moreover. 336 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE a kitchen and a dining-room were provided at the top of the scaflfolding I ^ One of the most striking evidences of the immense prosperity of Florence was the erection of ms^nificent edifices of all kinds — public and private. OUTUNB VIEW OP PLORENCB. I5TH AND i6TH CBNTUUBS In harmony with the devotional spirit of the period, the thirteenth-century buildings were principally ecclesiastical : — The Baptistery of San Giovanni, — founded in the seventh century, — was rebuilt 1 202-1 294 ; Santa Reparata, — founded in the eighth century, — was rebuilt as Santa Maria del Fiore — 1101-1298; ^ C. Gttasti, *' La Cupola di SanU Maria del Fiore,*' p. 61. MASTERS OF STONE AND WOOD 837 Ognissanti dates firom 1256, La Nunziata — 1258, Or San Michele — 1285, Santa Maria Novella — 1279, Santa Croce and San Spirito — 1295 and San Marco— 1299. San Miniato al Monte, — ^first built under Charlemagne in 774, — was rebuilt in 1093 ; and was much added to in the thirteenth century by the munificence of the " Calimala " Guild. Civil architecture also engs^ed the attention of master- builders in the thirteenth century. Designs for all these under- takings were prepared, and estimates made out, by the first descendants of the old Comacine Masters ; and the work was taken in hand by their sons and grandsons in travail. Of Palaces were erected: — Bargello — 1258, Badia — 990-1285, and Vecchio — 1294; Bridges: — Alia Carraia — 12 18, Santa Trinita — 1252, AUe Grazie, or Rubaconte — 1237, and Vecchio— 1080- 1333 ; Gates: — Al Prato, San Gallo, and San Ambrogio in 1284, and Ghibellina in 1290 ; Hospitals : — San Gallo— 121 8, Santa Maria Nuova — 1267 and San Bartolommeo — 1295. The City Walls were rebuilt and extended 1 285-1 299, and the Stinche — Prison — was erected in 1 260. The fourteenth century, so far as architecture was concerned, was notable for the completion and decoration of many noble edifices. Sculptors in stone, wood, and metal, mosaic-masters, workers in terra-cotta, and fresco painters were all hard at work under the auspices of the Guild. It was the epoch of the greatest workers of the Fine Arts. Even the humblest labourer felt the influence of their personalities, and the meanest work was marked by boldness and elegance combined. The very tools they used were ornamented with decorative features. The Foundation-masters too had their work cut out in the laying out of the city in fine squares, and well paved streets, and the removal of unsightly and incommodious premises. The Piazz€\ — di' San Giovanni — 1300, della Santa Maria Novella — 1302, della Signoria — 1307; and the Loggie: — del Bigallo — 1330, de' Lanzi — 1334, della Zecca — Mint — 1361, and Mercato V 338 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE Nuovo— 1362, were some of the principal undertakings of the " Masters in Stone and Wood." Other Operai — Masters of Works — ^took in hand the interior decoration of Churches, Palaces, Guild-Residences and the private homes of wealthy citizens. Splendidly designed and decorated wooden ceilings were a marked feature. That in the Biblioteca Laurenziana, by Tasso and Carola — ^shows what manner of arti- ficers the Masters of wood-carving were. The favourite style was what we call " King Post," concealed by panelling. Rood- screens and Shrines, the work of Donatello and Brunellesco, are to be seen in Santa Croce. The fifteenth century was famous for the construction of superb Palaces, which wealthy families erected in noble rivalry. Never were the Master-builders and their workmen busier. Florence resounded with the significant music of the trowel, the chisel, the hammer, and the plane. Bulky scaflfoldings trans- formed the whole city into a huge woodyard, but there arose edifices artistic and grandiose, which will for all time command admiration and emulation. The Palazzi Antinori, Boigherini, Guadagni, Guicciardini, Nic- colini, Panciatichi, Pandolfini, Pitti, Pecori-Geraldi, Rucellai, Serris- tori, Torrigiani, Uguccione, and many another followed in quick succession. In 1430 the Palazzo Riccardi was completed for the Medici. The old Palazzi Strozzi, Albizzi, Pazzi and Buondel- monti had been burnt to the ground by the Ciampi in 1378, and now — ^phcenix-like — ^new structures took their place. The protection of the city edifices, the erection of lordly villas in the Contado^ and the dedication of country shrines, all called for the skilful labours of architect and sculptors. An examination of these masterpieces of a century's domestic architecture reveals at once the striking fact, that every character- istic of the Florentine race has been preserved and perpetuated in stone and wood and metal Solidity, boldness, and dignity, are joined to elegance, simplicity, and reserve, and the product is a special style, somewhat inappropriately called " Rustic" as £ I MASTERS OF STONE AND WOOD 339 The sixteenth century has been called the period of the ** hate Renaissance/' rather should we designate it as the ** Finished Renaissance." Florence was built up, her architecture was complete. She was adorned by statues and carvings in stone, wood, and metal, and little more required to be done in the decoration of the fair city. There remained only the placing of the cap-stone of her architecture, the finishing touch of her sculpture, the removal of her scaflblds, and the unveiling of her latest art treasures. These duties were undertaken by the most commanding personality of the century — Michael Angelo Buonarroti. The son of a city magnate, bom amid the attributes of wealth and culture, be, a motherless child, was brought up by a simple mason's wife at Settignano. He was thus in himself the representative of all the noblest traits of citizenship. The models of Buonarroti's life's work were the well pro- portioned virile figures of his daily companions, hence his ideals realised in architecture, sculpture, and painting the highest aspira- tions of the Masters of all times. During the siege of Florence by Clement VII., in 1529, Buonarroti was appointed Commissary-General of the Forces of the Republic. He gathered round him the " Masters of Wood and Stone," and with their assistance threw up earthworks and walls of defence which were quite remarkable for their correct and scientific form. The century was marked by a rage for wax-modelling. Every man with artistic tastes set up to be a Ceraiuolo — Wax- worker. No class took to the art with more earnestness than the " Masters of Stone and Wood." Apprentices were instructed and encouraged in its pursuit, and in a very short time quite 4 school of artists had arisen, who displayed their skill in por- traiture and other fine work. One of the most famous modeller- portraitists was Orsino, who made many wax casts of the features of Lorenzo de' Medici — il Magnifico, The cutting of gems and cameos became a specialty of the 340 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE Florentine sculptors in the fourteenth, fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Among the better-known engfravers of gems may be placed Giovanni and Bernardino Peruzzi — 1300- 13 79, Giovanni delle Comiole, with his portrait of Savonarola — 1494, Pietro da Pescia, the friend of Michael Angelo— 1513, and Domenico da Pola — 1527. These were all matriculated members of the " Guild of Masters of Stone and Wood." Florentines set themselves the agreeable tasks of entering into the labours of their ancestors, and of taking full enjoyment out of the glories of their environment The Medici were past masters in the art of entertaining, and open square and narrow street revelled in the daily pageants. The magnificent buildings and the noble bridges were the boast of the citizens, for had not their fathers made them, and were they not their custodians ! To give a mere list of the members of the " Guild of Masters of Stone and Wood," who have made their names, their Guild, and their City famous, and to compile a bare catalogue of their achievements, would be a work of supererogation, seeing that for their memorial, one has only, — as in St Paul's Cathedral, wit!:^. respect to Sir Christopher Wren, — " to look around ! " Nevertheless, the following Masters, along with those already^^ named, gave character and life to their centuries : Jacopo dell^^ Quercia, Benedetto da Maiano, Mino da Fiesole, Desiderio d^^ Settignano, II Cronaca, Baccio d'Agnolo, Baccio Bandinelli witt^ the Delia Robbia, the Rossellini, the Sansovini, the Pollaiuoli, th^9 Ammannati, and the San Gallo or Giamberti. Leon Battista Alberti, 1405- 1472, stands out as a grea^==^ figure — architect, sculptor, painter, mechanician, etc His " De R^^ jEdificatoria " was the first systematic treatise on Art since th^^^ days of Vitruvius ; and his ten books on Architecture, Sculpture^- and Painting, rank as classics. Lorenzo Ghiberti, Luca della Robbia, and Donatello, were " the three brightest stars of the Renaissance," and Leonardo da Vinci, Raphael Santi, and Michael Angelo Buonarroti were " the School of the World 1" MASTERS OF STONE AND WOOD 341 All Europe felt the force of these vigorous craftsmen. The Emperor's Court attracted numbers of Florentine Masters ; whilst, in Paris, Francis I. welcomed with royal honours Leonardo da Vinci, Benvenuto Cellini, Primaticcio and other members of the Guild.^ Artistic settlements of Italians, chiefly from Florence, were scattered all over England, especially about Winchester and Southampton. Their members did work of all kinds in stone, bronze, wood, leather, etc., in many public buildings and private dwellings. The exhibition of their skill was a tremendous revelation and a mighty incentive to native craftsmen. Piero Torrigiano came in 1513, and, with the help of his Schola at Westminster, he erected the glorious shrine of Henry VII. and Queen Eleanor — a perfect example of the art of the Florentine Renaissance. It is said the Master paid his assistants in the Abbey at the rate of three gold florins a month each for the first year, and forty ducats with bed and board and horse-hire each following year. Antonio di Lorenzo, Toto della Nunziata, Benedetto da Rovezzano, Giovanni da Maiano, Pietro Baldi, Giovanni Utricci, 'Wth "the famous engravers Ruccieri and Ambrogio" were all greatly encouraged by Henry VIII. and Cardinal Wolsey, and employed at Windsor, Oxford and Hampton Court* The wooden screens and stalls in King's College Chapel, Caxiabridge, were sculptured by Florentine Masters of Wood. The Tuscan " Rustic " style became the foster-mother of a native school of architects and carvers ; and very many country mansions still «3dst to indicate how those skilful guildsmen prepared the way for what we call the " Elizabethan style." "Those beasts the English," — as Torrigiano called our ancestors of his day, — were, in spite of his spleen, among the most appreciative patrons of the Florentine Arts and Crafts. When Elizabeth visited Greenwich in 1583, Roger Manners writing to ^ M. Vasari, iv. 262, note. 'J. A. Gotch, "Architecture of the Renaissance,'* vol. I. xxii. 342 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE the Earl of Rutland, says : — " She was never in any place better pleased, and sure the house, garden, and walks may compare with any delicate place in Italy." ^ • ••••• •• The decline in the fortunes and enterprise of the Guild may be traced to the appointment, in 1434, of Brunellesco, after his deliverance from prison, as chief architect to all the public build* ings in Florence. This action proved to be something of a death* blow to the great Masonic Guild. Its influence remained, but its organisation was broken up into separate corporations. The great Laborerum was shut up, and the Scholce dwindled to very moderate dimensions. Lorenzo de' Medici tried hard to revive the work of the Guild by opening and endowing munificently a School of Sculpture in his garden at Villa Larga, and it certainly had a measure of success. Anyhow to this Schola is due the collection of, and pre- servation of, all the finest models and examples of wellnigh three centuries of splendid achievements of "Masters of Stone and Wood* It appears to be necessary to say a few words upon Ae subject of Pottery and to account for the silence of authorities upon the existence of a Corporation or Guild of Potters.* The Potter's art was of course as familiar to Florentines as any other. It was the custom on many poderi in the Contado^ early and late, not only to make utensils for ordinary domestic and business purpose, but also to fashion figures out of the tenacious subsoil of the Amo valley. Some of the latter were of ambitious, dimensions and were finished in colours in the dty workshops. Among modellers in terra-cotta were Bicci di Lorenzo (1373-1452) and the Delia Robbia (1430-1529)1^ All these men were artists and were members of the "Guild of Workers of Stone and Wood." Hence the higher styles of Pottery were regarded as the province of sculptors, whilst the ^ Historical MSS., Report 12, app. iv. p. 15a * See p. la, note 2, and pp. 254, 255. ARMS OK THK GUILD OF MASTERS IN STOxXK AND WOOD I.UCA r)KLLA KOUHIA RETAIL-CLOTH AND LINEN 843 more homely output of the Potters'-wheel was classed among articles for consignment to the apothecaries' and corn-chandlers' shops. There was, perhaps, no scope for a separate Corporation solely composed of workers in clay and glaze. Besides this the best descriptions of earthenware were of foreign origin, for example, the finest pottery was made from the opaque white clay of Siena commonly called " St John's Earth." On the other hand the first artificial porcelain known to have been made in Europe was produced in Florence about the year 1580 under the patronage of Francesco de' Medici, the second Grand Duke of Tuscany, who died in 1587. It was composed of soft or hybrid paste unlike that required for hard crockery. The manufactory was in the Boboli Gardens, but only continued for a few years. The usual trade-mark, stamped in blue, was the Dome of the Duomo, with the letter " F" below. II. L'Arte de' Rigattieri A. Retail Cloth-dealers. B. Linen-Manufacturers. The history of the two branches of this Guild, the twelfth in order in the Hierarchy of the Guilds, is not a little difficult to disentangle from confusion and disparity of notice in the Archives of Florence. The earliest notices of the various trades and callings in- cluded within the operations of the Guild are apparently as follows : — " 1032. Casa Florentii Sarti — Shop of a Tailor." " 1084. BanuSyfiL Johannis^ baro — Hawker." " 1 191. MartinuSy pignolajna — Maker of fine linen." " 121 1. RistorOyJU. Fieri — buorsajo — Pouch-maker." " „ Albizi di FferrarCy pezzaio di Lung* Ama — Rs^seller." Indeed the '' Guild of Retail Dealers " seems to have grown 344 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE out of the fact that very many minor Crafts, somewhat similar in character, gradually formed themselves into a union, upon the usu^l Florentine co-operative principle, for mutual benefit and defence. The " Guild of Linen Manufacturers " one would have thought would have had precedence alongside the Guilds of the kindred industries of wool and silk, but, for some reason or other, quite impossible of solution, the growers of flax and the makers of . linen had to put up with an inferior rdle. A. — L'Arte de^ Ri^rattteri This Guild had a most comprehensive character, and included in its membership retail-traders of almost every kind. In old Florence there was always a goodly number of men who were not exactly " Idlers " but who, having matriculated probably into their father's Guild, had not entered heartily into its industries. Some of them were doubtless men of want of application, but many felt that they could do better than by remaining in the orthodox ranks of their family avocation. The constant increase of commerce, with the inflow of attractive objects and the creation of fresh wants, introduced new interests and opened out new pursuits. The Sensali, or stents of the Greater Guilds, in their travels, took note of novelties, and learned foreign customs, which their keen eye to business taught them might be profitably transported to Florence. Then again, it was seen that the activities of the Greater Guilds were of a wholesale character, and that the employers of labour had neither place nor opportunity for the sale of small quantities. Gradually, therefore, shops were opened, whereat citizens and passing visitors might purchase articles, useful and ornamental, in retail. The buyers of remnants of silk tissue and of woollen and linen cloth, at the workshops, saw a margin of profit on sales of such things in the open market The doffings, cuttings, and waste of materials had their values, and old clothes and rags, with cuttings of fur and hide became negotiable assets. RETAIL CLOTH-DEALERS 345 Buyers too went about purchasing the woven and knitted work of industrious housewives. Very many objects exposed for sale by the Apothecaries appeared to fall under the category of " Odds and Ends," hence, a certain number of traders came into market daily as pedlars or barterers. In some of these avocations, — for example, silk and cloth remnants, articles of clothing, strips of leather, eta etc. — a goodly fortune might be amassed Sons of merchants and merchants too themselves entered lai^ely into these new lines of trade, and the estimation in which such dealers were held grew, until the necessity of union for the mutual defence of common interests was obvious. Conditions of life and occupation in old Florence were surprisingly like those which rule our time. Men made fortunes " round the comer," and in all sorts of unwonted ways, and out of all kinds of unexpected sources. The knowing how and what to buy was an initial desideratum for every salesman, whether he were an opulent ''Calitnala'* merchant, or an indigent hawker of haberdashery. The ""Arte di Rigattieri'' — ^the Guild of Retail-Dealers — was first incorporated in 1266, and received its banner — charged half red, half white. With it was incorporated the ^'Arte (U LinaiuolV — " the Guild of Linen Drapers." At the same date the place of the Guild in the order of precedence, was fixed — immediately after the " Masters of Stone and Wood," or twelfth in rank ; and consequently, when the Five Intermediate Guilds were called into conference with the Greater Guilds, the ^^ Arte d£ RigatHeri"* was always included. This dis- tinction of position however was rather depreciated by the fact that the Retail-Dealers were regarded as a "Sandwich" Guild, and a link with the Nine Lesser Guilds. The Consuls of the Guild are named as voting in 1293 among the Consuls of the twelve Greater Guilds. Statutes of " LArte di Rigattieri della Magnifica Citta di Firenzel' — to give 346 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE the Guild its full official and courtly title, — were drafted in 1295, and were amended and adopted in the following year.^ The Codex Memiranaceo,^ under date March 1295, has two manuscripts, numbered respectively "No. i " and "No. 19." The former contains the Statutes, etc., of the Rigattieri^ LtnatuoUy Sarti^ and Venditori di panne^ and b^ns with the dedication : — " In the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost This is made and composed in honour of Almighty God, of the Virgin and St John the Baptist, by the men who are Consuls and Rectors of the * Arte det Ementium ' (Remnant-dealers ?), vendors of cloth, and vendors of for linings." The manuscript is well written, as are most of the records of the period, but the language employed — that also common to all — is a mixture of base Latin with many abbreviations and local colloquialities, almost, if not quite, undecipherable. The earlier sections of the manuscript deal, as usual, with the Statutes and rules for the election of Consuls and other Guild officers. One rubric deals with apprentices convicted of theft, who were visited by a fine of twenty-five gold florins and the cancelling of their indentures. Several rubrics prescribe observ^ces at the burial of members — such as the burning of ceremonial candles in the chamber of death, the display of banners, with arms of the Gufld and of the family, — at the doors of the deceased's house, etc etc. Sarti — tailors — are specially named in the manuscript They are not to make or use stuff mixed with Struppa {stoppa) — fine hemp or tow, — and Batnbix {bainbagicCy-<:o^xse cotton, such as was used for lamp wicks. In short, " Sartia mista** — ^mixtures, — of every sort were forbidden. The second manuscript is the document dealing with, and settling, the purchase of a house-^it is entitled " Compra de rest- denza de Rigattteri" etc. ; but it goes on to name the LimuuoU^ the flax weavers, — as the actual owners of the property on behalf of * " Lc Consultc," iii. 396. • Archivip dl Firenxe. RETAIL CLOTH-DEALERS 847 the united trades of " Rigattieriy Venditori di panj-linj^ Linaiuolj e Sartjr The signatures at the end of the Code of Statutes are crosses, more or less ornamental, with the names of the Consuls written underneath in a different hand — quite suggestive of the inability of these Magnificos to append their own signatures I BGO JACOBUS, INDBX APPROBATORO BT OFFICIATOR FLOR «• Mark " of a Consul of " The Guild of Retail or Second-Hand Dealers " CONSULONI JACOBI DI CIONIS ' Mark'' of a Consul of The Guild of Retail or Secand-Hand Dealers " These Statutes of the Guild were revised in 13 17 and further additions were made in 1323 and in 1326. At the revision of the Statutes in 141 5, the following rubrics, among many others, were enacted with respect to the Guild. Any one selling woollen cloth or Sargia tTIrlanda^ — Irish frieze, — was required to use not only the Canna measure of the " Calitnala^' but also the Passetto, — ^yard measure of the Market This regulation was rendered necessary by reason of the custom 848 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE of selling fine cloth when fully stretched. Breaches of this rule laid the offenders under a penalty of one hundred lire} The Retail-dealers were not allowed to sell Zendada — the richest silk taffeta, or Imbacciactnata — ^highly-raised brocade, to any of the Popolo Minuto. The fine for infraction was fifty lire^ which was accompanied by the withdrawal of the selling license of the dealer, and the confiscation of the illicit merchandise.* Retail-dealers, — called frequently members of the '^ Arte di Boldagiori** — ^were allowed to sell woollen cloths of the following descriptions — Rotnagniuoh — Roman wove, Bigello — ^frieze, Burello — coarse cloth, Cremanense — Cremona wove, Pignolati — ^fine linen, and all other kinds except redressed foreign cloths, whether manipu- lated in Florence, Milan or elsewhere. They were forbidden to sell pouches stamped or decorated, caps, belts, fine silk scarves, veils and any sort of stuff of greater weight than one pound. Small metal basins, mortars, pieces of ivory and other small articles were" to be sold at so much the pound weight* With the Retail-dealers and Linen-drapers were generally classed PennaiuoU — stationers, Copertolari — coverlet-sellers, Farsettori — doublet-makers, and Cb/fe/A^wi-— cutlers, together with Dealers in raw flax, hemp, canvas, and string nets. Their shops were not to be opened before the ringing of the bell for matins, and had to be shut before the stroke of four in the afternoon.* All tailors were directly under the jurisdiction of the Ufficiali delta Grascia^ — the Surveyors of Markets and Trades, — who care- fully inspected and noted the quantities and qualities of cloth — woollen and linen — which they had in their shops. Not only so but the price which they were permitted to charge for each garment they made was fixed, and upon each value a certain tax was levied by the State. For example a Roba^ — robe of red fine cloth, — paid five lire ; a Cottardita^ — tunic of blue cloth, — ^three Ure\ a gammurra, — petticoat with stitching in front and buttonholes behind, — two lire^ five soldi ; a Guamello^ — a fustian gown for a ^ Statnti C e P. FlorentUe, 1415, Rnb. xliii. ^ Rub. xliv., 1415. » Rub. xlv., 1415. * Rub. xoXm 1415. RETAIL CLOTH-DEALERS 349 woman open at the front, — one lira, fifteen soldi ; a Giubba, — jerkin with folds or tucks, — four lire, five soldi ; a Fi7Ai«^,— cloth cloak with a turn-down collar or hood, — one lira ; a Tagliatura, — a pair of trousers made of cloth, — seven soldi \ a Gonnella, — a pair of trousers made of thin linen and lined, — one lira, fifteen soldi, and so on.^ No tailor was allowed to put in pawn woollen or linen cloth, or cloth of mixed wool and flax, — whether cut or uncut, — or any garment, — finished or unfinished, — or anything pertaining to the Craft. Fines of twenty-five Ure, and above, were inflicted, not only upon the spendthrift tailor, but upon any person who accepted the pledge.^ Fraudulent and fiigitive tradesmen were of course found in connection with all the Guilds, but possibly the ^^ Arte d^ Rigatiieri'' furnished the largest proportion of such unfortunate persons. When such a man fell on evil days, he not only suffered himself, but the partners in his business and his family also were declared delinquent, and mulcted in penalties. A case in point is recorded in the Archives under date January 17, 1330, when the partners of a merchant and artificer in the trade of the " Guild of Second-hand Dealers," for the sale of old remnants of woollen cloth and of linen cloth, belonging to the popoli of Santa Cecilia, who had become bankrupt, are declared outlaws.' The Retail-dealers were allowed to keep in stock, and sell the following descriptions of goods : — * Panni Milanese e Bresciano Milanese and Brescia cloths. Bigelli Romagniuoli . Roman friezes, plain and coloured. Giubboni e Farsetti . Coltre e Coltroni Panni lini-tinti BerretU e Cappelli Calze, Calzini e Calzane Doublets and under vests. Coverlets and quilts. Cloths with coloured threads. Caps and hats. Stockings, socks, and drawers. * Rnb. bodi., 1415. * Rab. Ixxii., 141 5. * Archivio del Stato Fiorentino, *'della Rifonna." « Cantini x., p. 66. 850 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE Filiri i Baracani Felt cloaks and capes. Tappeti e Celani . Table cloths and striped tester- stuflTs Sargie Coarse serges for men's gar* ments. SpaUiere Tapestry hangings, and chair backs. CiambeUotti e Mocaiardi . Camlets and hair-cloths. DobbUtti Stuffs with cotton and flax mixtures. Sate i Rense .... Light serges and cambrics, and many other kinds of woollen materials. It was permitted also to deal in all kinds of silken goods and in sewing silks. Ivy-berries — for the red dye called grana^ dried kermes, — ^whence the crimson dye chermisi was derived, gold and silver — in cakes, powder, flake, and leaf Pearls and jewellery of all kinds, veils, thin capes, and fichus, every sort of gilt leather and tinsel work, were also exposed for sale. Many other objects, far too numerous to mention, but still each with the special permission of the Council of State, and under the direction of the Consuls and officials of the Guild, were allowed to be sold by the Rigaitieru ...•a.. • B. VArUtU Linaiuoli Linen is probably the oldest manufactured material for domestic use in existence. Thousands of years ago the art of weaving linen cloth was known and practised in 'India, Egypt and Greece. Linen was known too to the peoples of the Stone age and to the Lake dwellers. The Romans held flax in high esteem for personal clothing. Apuleius, the wise old monk of the fifth century, says sententiously : — ^** Wool, the excretion of a sluggish body taken from a sheep, was deemed a profane attire even in the times of Orpheus and Pythagoras ; but flax — that cleanest production of the field, is rightly used for the inmost clothing of man." LINEN-MANUFACTURERS 351 Every monastery on the plains of Italy had its flax patch, and the monks encouraged the peasants around them to cultivate the useful little plant, with its thin verdant blade and delicate blue flower. The Religious, further, engaged themselves everywhere in the manufacture of linen-thread and cloth, and gave instruction to their neighbours in the mysteries of the craft. Sacristies of churches became treasuries of fine linen, for, by Canon Law, this material was exclusively prescribed in the ritual of the Mass and for other functions. From the point, too, of domestic economy, linen was known to be practically indestructiblei consequently noble and peasant alike had in it the most durable material for ordinary uses. The cultivation of flax was very general in the Vale of Amo all through the period of the Renaissance. In extent it vied with that of the vine and the olive, but it far exceeded both in the intelligence and labour demanded by its cultivators. Special methods of tillage, manuring, sowing, and harvesting, were in operation which have remained until to-day.^ The four processes of harvest were as follows : i. Pulling — The plant being in boll and browned was pulled up by the roots — never cut ; 2. Rippling — the bolls were removed on the field by a combing-frame with iron teeth. Two men were engs^ed together — one gathered up the seeds, the other the stalks; 3. Retting — two kinds, water and dew. In the first, pure water from the Amo was used, without any addition of lime or iron. The stalks of the flax were laid flat in bundles, in hollowed out dams or pits, four feet in depth. On the top of the last layer a cover of fresh cut rushes was laid, over which were placed heavy stones. Fermentation quickly set in when the fibre and the stalk became separated — ^the sheath falling away. The dew Retting required that the bundles of flax should be opened and spread upon close growing grass, without any protection from sun, wind, and rain, and in full contact with air and dew. This was, of course, a tedious process, and only resorted to by the less enterprising ' EncydofMedia Britannica, '* Flax," 190a 852 THE GUILDS OF FLORENCE harvesters ; 4. Scutching — ^the fibre of the flax was separated by hand from the wood or stalk, and then passed between grooved wooden or iron rollers, which required very careful adjustment to avoid, on the one hand, matted skeins, or lumps, and on the other, the too complete crushing of the flax, which resulted in a break^[e of fibre and the production of lint Flax thus treated was ready to be placed upon the market In the fourteenth century the average price for one hundred pounds weight of raw flax was five gold florins.^ The first mention of the " Guild of Linen-Manufacturers " seems to be in 1236, when the **Arte di LinaiuolV was placed sixteenth in the Hierarchy of the Guilds. Probably it was the offspring of a humble association of flax growers and linen-thread spinners. An early notice of the linen industry is found in the Florentine Archives of the same year — 1236 — ^when Guido, Abbot of Coltibuono, received from lacopo son of Bellioto dei Albertischi a loan of one hundred and fifty lire, for the payment of a debt due to Buonos^no Malcristiano, who had sold the crops, which fed the Abbot's household, and which furnished flax for their clothing. At the reformation of the Guild Statutes in 1 266, the name of the Guild does not appear: but the ''^ Arte Danduohn, *'Gescbichte von Florens," p. 49. LINEN MANUFACTURERS 853 At the General Revision of the Statutes of all the Guilds — 1 301-1309 — there was still no mention of the old '^ArU